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Φερντοουσί, ο Παραδεισένιος: Εθνικός Ποιητής Ιρανών και Τουρανών, Θεμελιωτής του Νεώτερου Ευρασιατικού Πολιτισμού

Ferdowsi, the Paradisiacal: National Poet of all Iranians and Turanians, Founder of Modern Eurasiatic Civilization

ΑΝΑΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΣΗΜΕΡΑ ΑΝΕΝΕΡΓΟ ΜΠΛΟΓΚ “ΟΙ ΡΩΜΙΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ”

Το κείμενο του κ. Νίκου Μπαϋρακτάρη είχε αρχικά δημοσιευθεί την 28η Αυγούστου 2019.

Στο κείμενό του αυτό ο κ. Μπαϋρακτάρης παραθέτει στοιχεία από ημερήσιο σεμινάριο στο οποίο παρουσίασα (Πεκίνο, Ιανουάριος 2018) τα θεμέλια της ισλαμικής και νεώτερης παιδείας και πολιτισμού όλων των Τουρανών, Ιρανών και πολλών άλλων, μουσουλμάνων και μη, Ασιατών.

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https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2019/08/28/φερντοουσί-ο-παραδεισένιος-εθνικός-π/ ============

Οι Ρωμιοί της Ανατολής – Greeks of the Orient

Ρωμιοσύνη, Ρωμανία, Ανατολική Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία

Πολύ λίγοι αντιλαμαβάνονται ότι, αν ο γνωστός Αλβανός χριστιανός και μετέπειτα μουσουλμάνος ηγεμόνας Γεώργιος Καστριώτης επονομάσθηκε από τους Οθωμανούς Σκεντέρμπεης (1405-1468), αυτό οφείλεται στον Πέρση Φερντοουσί, τον εθνικό ποιητή Ιρανών και Τουρανών που αφιέρωσε κάποιες από τις ιστορίες που αφηγήθηκε στον Μεγάλο Αλέξανδρο – ή μάλλον στο τι από τον Αλέξανδρο (ποια πλευρά του χαρακτήρα του βασιλιά) παρουσίασε μέσα στο έπος του.

Αυτές οι ιστορίες έτυχαν περαιτέρω επεξεργασίας και αναπτύχθηκαν περισσότερο μέσα σε έπη μεταγενεστέρων ποιητών, όπως ο Αζέρος Νεζαμί Γκαντζεβί, για να διαδοθούν απ’ άκρου εις άκρον του ευρασιατικού χώρου.

Αυτή ήταν η αξία του μύθου: επηρέασε μακρινούς λαούς και μεταγενέστερες περιόδους, μέσω των ηθικών προτύπων και των συμβολισμών, πολύ περισσότερο από όσο η θρησκεία και η ιστορία.

Μέσω του Σαχναμέ του Φερντοουσί, το οποίο είναι το μακροσκελέστερο έπος όλων των εποχών (μεγαλύτερο από όσο η Ιλιάδα κι η Οδύσσεια μαζί), οι Οθωμανοί αλλά και πολλοί άλλοι, Γεωργιανοί, Μογγόλοι, Ινδοί, Αρμένιοι, Κινέζοι, Τουρανοί (Turkic) και Πέρσες, Τάταροι και Ρώσσοι, όπως και πολλοί βαλκανικοί λαοί έμαθαν ένα πλήθος από ηρωϊκά πρότυπα των οποίων φέρουν οι ίδιοι τα ονόματα ως προσωπικά και τα ανδραγαθήματα ως πρότυπο ζωής.

Οι ιστορίες του Σαχναμέ έγιναν παραμύθια για τα μικρά παιδιά, διδακτικές ιστορίες για τα σχολεία, και παραδείγματα για τους προετοιμαζόμενους στρατιώτες, έτσι διαπερνώντας την λαϊκή παιδεία σχεδόν όλων των εθνών της Ασίας, μουσουλμάνων και μη.

Τα ονόματα των ηρώων του Φερντοουσί που είναι τουρανικά κι ιρανικά βρίσκονται σήμερα ως προσωπικά ονόματα ανάμεσα σε Βόσνιους κι Ινδονήσιους, Μογγόλους της Ανατολικής Σιβηρίας κι Ινδούς, Τατάρους της Ρωσσίας και Πέρσες, κοκ.

Το να γνωρίζεις τις ιστορίες του Φερντοουσί είναι απόδειξη ανώτερης παιδείας είτε βρίσκεσαι στο Αζερμπαϊτζάν, είτε είσαι στο Μπάνγκλα Ντες, είτε ζεις στο Καζάν, είτε μένεις στην Ανατολική Σιβηρία.

Πόσες είναι οι ιστορίες του έπους; Σχεδόν 1000!

Η παραπάνω αναφορά στον Σκεντέρμπεη είναι ένα μόνον από τα πάμπολλα παραδείγματα της απέραντης, υστερογενούς επίδρασης του Φερντοουσί η οποία εξικνείται σε πολύ μακρινά σημεία της γης και ανάμεσα σε λαούς που δεν είχαν καν διαβάσει το τεράστιο έπος.

Αλλά οι αναγνώστες του έπους είχαν επηρεαστεί πολύ περισσότερο όσο υψηλά και αν ευρίσκονταν.

Γράφοντας στον Σάχη Ισμαήλ Α’ στις παραμονές της μάχης του Τσαλντιράν (1514), δηλαδή σχεδόν 500 χρόνια μετά τον θάνατο του Φερντοουσί, ο Σουλτάνος Σελίμ Α’ περιέγραψε τον εαυτό του ως ‘θριαμβεύοντα Φερεϊντούν’, κάνοντας έτσι μια αναφορά σε ένα από τους πιο σημαντικούς και πιο θετικούς ήρωες του Σαχναμέ.

.Το δείπνο που παρέθεσε στον γιο του Φερεϊντούν ο βασιλιάς της Υεμένης. Από σμικρογραφία χειρογράφου

Για να αναφερθεί στον αντίπαλό του, Ιρανό Σάχη, ο Σουλτάνος Σελίμ Α’ έκανε περαιτέρω χρήση των ιστοριών του ιρανικού – τουρανικού έπους:

απεκάλεσε τον θεμελιωτή της δυναστείας των Σαφεβιδών “σφετεριστή της εξουσίας Δαρείο των καιρών μας” και “κακόβουλο Ζαχάκ της εποχής μας”.

Και αυτοί οι όροι παραπέμπουν σε κεντρικά πρόσωπα των ιστοριών του Σαχναμέ, έπος στο οποίο ο Φερντοουσί αναμόχλευσε και ανασυνέθεσε την Παγκόσμια Ιστορία κάνοντάς την να περιστρέφεται όχι γύρω από περιστασιακά ιστορικά πρόσωπα (όπως αυτά έχουν μείνει γνωστά) αλλά γύρω από διηνεκείς χαρακτήρες οι οποίοι, καθώς επαναλαμβάνονται από το ένα ιστορικό πρόσωπο στο άλλο και ενόσω κυλάνε οι αιώνες, αποκτούν πολύ μεγαλύτερη σημασία ως ηθικοί παράγοντες ενός αέναου παρόντος

Ο Φερεϊντούν συντρίβει τον Ζαχάκ.

Θα αναφερθώ στον Φερντοουσί και στο Σαχναμέ σε πολλά επόμενα κείμενα. Εδώ όμως παρουσιάζω ένα βίντεο – εκλαϊκευτική συζήτηση (στα αγγλικά) ειδικών για το έπος Σαχναμέ (ανεβασμένο σε τρία σάιτ με εισαγωγικό σημείωμα σε αγγλικά, ρωσσικά κι ελληνικά) και μια βασική ενημέρωση (στα αγγλικά) για την ζωή του Φερντοουσί, του οποίου το έργο απετέλεσε την κοινή ιστορική δεξαμενή αξιών και ηθικών αρχών της ευρασιατικής παράδοσης και την πολιτισμική βάση πάνω στην οποία βρίσκονται όλα τα έθνη κατά μήκος των ιστορικών Δρόμων του Μεταξιού.

Ο σφετεριστής της εξουσίας Δαρείος κάθεται στον θρόνο και από τα χέρια ενός αυλικού δέχεται το στέμμα που του εξασφάλισε η μητέρα του.

Σχετικά με τις σμικρογραφίες ενός χειρογράφου του Σαχναμέ, διαβάστε:

Το Σαχναμέ του Σάχη Ταχμάσπ (1524-1576): οι πιο Όμορφες Σμικρογραφίες Χειρογράφου στον Κόσμο

https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2019/08/19/το-σαχναμέ-του-σάχη-ταχμάσπ-1524-1576-οι-πιο-όμ/

Δείτε το βίντεο:

Ferdowsi, the National Poet of Iran and Turan – Shahnameh, the Book of the Kings

https://vk.com/video434648441_456240281

Ferdowsi was a Persian Iranian. I make this clarification here because there has never been an Iranian nation; Iran, both in pre-Islamic and Islamic times was composed of many different nations. And so it is today. As a matter of fact, the Azeris and the Persians are the most populous nations currently living in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Ferdowsi was born around 940, just over 300 years after Mohammed’s death in Medina (632) and some 200 years after the rise of the Abbasid dynasty, the foundation of Baghdad, and the transfer of the Islamic Caliphate’s capital from Damascus to Baghdad (750). About 100 years before Ferdowsi was born, the Abbasid Caliphate (750-1258) had reached its historical peak, and then a slow decline began.

Ferdowsi’s real name is Abu ‘l Qassem Tusi, since he was born in Tus, northeastern Iran. He was often called “hakim” (‘philosopher’ or more correctly ‘the wise man’). ‘Ferdowsi’ is what we today would call ‘pen-name’ or ‘nickname’ (Farsi and Arabic. ‘lakab’). It literally means ‘Paradisiacal’ (the word ‘Ferdows’ in Farsi comes from the ancient Iranian word ‘paradizah’ which, like the corresponding ancient Greek word, comes from the Assyrian Babylonian word ‘paradizu’ which means ‘paradise’). Ferdowsi completed the writing of Shahnameh on March 8, 1010.

The composition of Shahnameh (the Book of the Kings), the greatest epic poem of all time, lasted 33 years (977-1010) and was Ferdowsi’s main occupation in life. As per one tradition, the Sultan Mahmud of Gazni (the Gaznevid dynasty controlled lands in today’s Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, and northern India) promised Ferdowsi as many gold coins as the verses he would deliver.

The payment of 60,000 gold coins was opposed by the sultan’s top courtier (who considered Ferdowsi a heretical Muslim or even a Parsi), and so 60,000 silver coins were sent instead – unbeknownst to the sultan. Ferdowsi refused to receive them, and this reaction enraged the sultan, who did not know what exactly had happened. Then, the poet went into exile to escape. When the sultan finally found out what the courtier had done, he executed him and sent 60,000 gold coins to Ferdowsi, who had just returned to his hometown, Tusi. However, the caravan carrying the sum reached the city gate when the funeral procession headed for the cemetery because the poet had just died (1020).

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Δείτε το βίντεο:

Фирдоуси, Национальный поэт Ирана и Турана – Шахнаме, Книга Царей

https://www.ok.ru/video/1490059004525

Фирдоуси был персом из Ирана. Я делаю это разъяснение здесь, потому что никогда не было иранской нации; Иран, как в доисламский, так и в исламский период, состоял из множества разных народов. И так сегодня. На самом деле, азербайджанцы и персы – самые густонаселенные народы, в настоящее время живущие в Исламской Республике Иран.

Фирдоуси родился около 940 года, немногим более 300 лет после смерти Мухаммеда в Медине (632 год) и примерно через 200 лет после подъема династии Аббасидов, основания Багдада и переноса столицы Исламского халифата из Дамаска в Багдад (750). , Приблизительно за 100 лет до того, как Фирдоуси родился, Халифат Аббасидов (750-1258) достиг своего исторического пика, и затем начался медленный спад.

Настоящее имя Фирдоуси – Абу Кассем Туси, так как он родился в Тусе на северо-востоке Ирана. Его часто называли «хаким» («философ» или, точнее, «мудрец»). «Ferdowsi» – это то, что мы сегодня называем «псевдоним» (фарси и арабский. «Лакаб»). Это буквально означает «райский» (слово «Фердоус» на фарси происходит от древнего иранского слова «парадизах», которое, как и соответствующее древнегреческое слово, происходит от ассирийского вавилонского слова «парадизу», что означает «рай»). Фирдоуси завершил написание Шахнаме 8 марта 1010 года.

Шахнаме (Книга Царей) – величайшая эпическая поэма всех времен. Написание эпопеи длилось 33 года (977-1010) и было главным занятием Фирдоуси в жизни. Согласно одной из традиций, султан Махмуд Газни (династия Газневидов контролировала земли в сегодняшнем Афганистане, Таджикистане, Кыргызстане, Пакистане и северной Индии) обещал Фирдоуси столько золотых монет, сколько стихов, которые он напишет.

Оплате 60 000 золотых монет воспротивился высший придворный султана (который считал Фирдоуси еретиком-мусульманином или даже парсом), и поэтому вместо этого было отправлено 60 000 серебряных монет – без ведома султана. Фирдоуси отказался их принимать, и эта реакция разозлила султана, который не знал, что именно произошло. Затем поэт отправился в изгнание, чтобы сбежать. Когда султан наконец узнал, что сделал придворный, он казнил его и отправил 60 000 золотых монет Фирдоуси, который только что вернулся в свой родной город Туси. Однако караван с суммой достиг городских ворот, когда похоронная процессия направилась на кладбище, потому что поэт только что умер (1020).

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Δείτε το βίντεο:

Φερντοουσί / Ferdowsi, Εθνικός Ποιητής του Ιράν & Τουράν – Σαχναμέ / Shahnameh, Βιβλίο των Βασιλέων

Ο Φερντοουσί ήταν Πέρσης Ιρανός. Σημειώνω εδώ ότι δεν υπήρξε ποτέ ιρανικό έθνος κι ότι το Ιράν, και στα προϊσλαμικά και στα ισλαμικά χρόνια, όπως άλλωστε και σήμερα, απετελείτο κι αποτελείται από πολλά και διαφορετικά έθνη.

Σήμερα, οι Αζέροι κι οι Πέρσες είναι τα πολυπληθέστερα έθνη που κατοικούν την Ισλαμική Δημοκρατία του Ιράν.

Ο Φερντοουσί γεννήθηκε γύρω στο 940, δηλαδή λίγο περισσότερο από 300 χρόνια μετά τον θάνατο του Μωάμεθ στην Μεδίνα (632) και περίπου 200 χρόνια μετά την άνοδο της δυναστείας των Αβασιδών στο Ισλαμικό Χαλιφάτο, την θεμελίωση της Βαγδάτης και τη μεταφορά της πρωτεύουσας του χαλιφάτου από την Δαμασκό στην Βαγδάτη (750).

Περίπου 100 χρόνια πριν γεννηθεί ο Φερντοουσί, τοποθετείται ιστορικά ο κολοφώνας της ισχύος του Αβασιδικού Χαλιφάτου (750-1258), κι έκτοτε αρχίζει μια αργή αποδυνάμωση και παρακμή.

Το πραγματικό όνομα του Φερντοουσί είναι Αμπού ‘λ Κάσεμ Τουσί, δεδομένου ότι είχε γεννηθεί στο Τους του βορειοανατολικού Ιράν.

Συχνά απεκαλείτο και Χακίμ, δηλαδή ‘φιλόσοφος’ (ή πιο σωστά ‘σοφός’). ‘Φερντοουσί’ είναι αυτό που θα λέγαμε σήμερα ‘καλλιτεχνικό ψευδώνυμο’ ή ‘παρατσούκλι’ (φαρσί και αραβ. ‘λακάμπ’).

Σημαίνει κυριολεκτικά ‘Παραδεισένιος’ (η λέξη ‘φερντόους’ στα φαρσί προέρχεται από την αρχαία ιρανική λέξη ‘παραντιζά’ η οποία, όπως και η αντίστοιχη αρχαία ελληνική λέξη, προέρχεται από την ασσυροβαβυλωνιακή λέξη ‘παραντιζού’ που σημαίνει ‘παράδεισος’).

Ο Φερντοουσί ολοκλήρωσε την συγγραφή του Σαχναμέ ακριβώς στις 8 Μαρτίου 1010.

Η συγγραφή του Σαχναμέ, του μεγαλύτερου επικού ποιήματος όλων των εποχών, διήρκεσε 33 χρόνια (977-1010) και ήταν η κύρια απασχόληση του Φερντοουσί κατά την ζωή του.

Κατά μία παράδοση, ο Σουλτάνος Μαχμούντ του Γαζνί (η δυναστεία Γαζνεβιδών έλεγχε εκτάσεις στα σημερινά κράτη Αφγανιστάν, Τατζικιστάν, Κιργιζία, Πακιστάν και βόρεια Ινδία) του υποσχέθηκε κατά την παράδοση τόσα χρυσά νομίσματα όσα κι οι στίχοι.

Στην καταβολή 60000 χρυσών νομισμάτων αντιτάχθηκε ο κορυφαίος αυλικός του σουλτάνου (που θεωρούσε τον Φερντοουσί αιρετικό μουσουλμάνο ή ακόμη και παρσιστή), οπότε απεστάλησαν 60000 αργυρά νομίσματα – εν αγνοία του σουλτάνου.

Ο Φερντοουσί αρνήθηκε να τα παραλάβει, αυτό εξαγρίωσε τον σουλτάνο (που δεν ήξερε τι ακριβώς συνέβη), κι ο ποιητής έφυγε στην εξορία για να γλυτώσει.

Όταν τελικά ο σουλτάνος έμαθε τι έκανε εν αγνοία του ο αυλικός, τον εσκότωσε, και απέστειλε 60000 χρυσά νομίσματα στον Φερντοουσί, ο οποίος είχε μόλις επιστρέψει στην γενέτειρά του, Τους.

Όμως, το καραβάνι που μετέφερε το ποσό έφθασε στην πύλη της πόλης, όταν έβγαινε η νεκρώσιμη πομπή με κατεύθυνση το νεκροταφείο, επειδή ο ποιητής είχε μόλις πεθάνει (1020).

Σημειώνω εδώ ότι αποδόσεις του ονόματος στα ελληνικά ως Φερδούσι ή Φιρδούσι είναι λαθεμένες, οφείλονται σε άγνοια των φαρσί (συγχρόνων περσικών), και δείχνουν επιφανειακό κι επιπόλαιο διάβασμα αγγλικών κειμένων για το θέμα.

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Οι πολλές ιστορίες του Εσκαντέρ (Μεγάλου Αλεξάνδρου) στο Σαχναμέ του Φερντοουσί

Ο Εσκαντέρ (Μέγας Αλέξανδρος) και το Ομιλούν Δένδρον

Ο Εσκαντέρ (Μέγας Αλέξανδρος) και το Ομιλούν Δένδρον

Δείχνουν στον Εσκαντέρ (Μεγάλο Αλέξανδρο) το πορτρέτο του.

Ο Εσκαντέρ (Μεγάλος Αλέξανδρος) στο νεκρικό κρεβάτι του

Ο Εσκαντέρ (Μεγάλος Αλέξανδρος) επισκέπτεται το ιερό Κααμπά στην Μέκκα φορώντας ενδύματα προσκυνητή (χατζή).

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Διαβάστε:

Ferdowsi Abu’l-Qāsem (حکیم ابوالقاسم فردوسی)

Life

Apart from his patronymic (konya), Abu’l-Qāsem, and his pen name (taḵallosá), Ferdowsī, nothing is known with any certainty about his names or the identity of his family. In various sources, and in the introduction to some manuscripts of the Šāh-nāma, his name is given as Manṣūr, Ḥasan, or Aḥmad, his father’s as Ḥasan, Aḥmad, or ʿAlī, and his grandfather’s as Šarafšāh (Ṣafā, Adabīyāt, pp. 458-59). Of these various statements, that of Fatḥ b. ʿAlī Bondārī, who translated the Šāh-nāma into Arabic in 620/1223, should be considered the most creditable. He referred to Ferdowsī as “al-Amīr al-Ḥakīm Abu’l-Qāsem Manṣūr b. al-Ḥasan al-Ferdowsī al-Ṭūsī” (Bondārī, p. 3).

It is not known why the poet chose the pen name Ferdowsī, which is mentioned only once in text and twice in the satire (ed. Khaleghi, V, p. 275, v. 3, ed. Mohl, I, p. lxxxix, vv. 4, 6). According to a legend recorded in the introduction to the Florence manuscript, during the poet’s visit to the court of the Ghaznavid Sultan Maḥmūd, the latter, pleased with his poetry, called him Ferdowsī “[man] from paradise” (Khaleghi, 1988, p. 92), which became his sobriquet. According to Neẓāmī ʿArūżī (text, p. 75, comm., p. 234) his birthplace was a large village named Bāž (or Pāz, Arabicized as Fāz), in the district of Ṭābarān (or Ṭabarān) near the city of Ṭūs in Khorasan.

All sources agree on his being from Ṭūs, the present-day Mašhad. The precise date of his birth was not recorded, but three important points emerge from the information the poet gives on his own age. First, in the introduction to the story of Kay Ḵosrow’s great war Ferdowsī says about himself that he became a poor man at the age of 65, and he twice repeats this date; he then states that when he was 58 and his youth was over Maḥmūd became king (Šāh-nāma, ed. Khaleqi, IV, p. 172, vv. 40-46).

This statement is a more reliable guide than the three occasions on which the poet refers to himself as 65 or 68 years old; and since Maḥmūd succeeded to the throne in 387/997, the poet’s birth date was 329/940. Second, a point occurs in the story of the reign of Bahrām III (q.v.), when the poet refers to himself as being 63, and approximately 730 lines later repeats this reference to his age as 63, adding that Hormazd-e Bahman (the first of the month of Bahman) fell on a Friday (Šāh-nāma, Moscow, VII, p. 213, v. 9, p. 256, vv. 657-59).

According to the research of Shapur Shahbazi (1991, pp. 27-29), during the years which concern us, only in the Yazdegerdi year 371, that is 1003 C.E., did the first of Bahman fall on a Friday. If we subtract 63 from this date, we arrive at 329/940 as the poet’s birth date. The third point occurs at the end of the book when the poet refers to his own age as being 71, and to the date of the Šāh-nāma’s completion as the day of Ard (i.e., 25th) of Esfand in the year 378 Š. (400 Lunar)/8 March 1010 (see calendar), which again establishes his birth date as 329/940 (Šāh-nāma, Moscow, IX, pp. 381-82; see further Ṣafā, Adabīyāt, pp. 459-62; idem, Ḥamāsa, p. 172, n. 1; Shahbazi, pp. 23-30).

We have little information on the poet until he began writing the Šāh-nāma in approximately 367/977, apart from the fact that he had a son who was born in 359/970 (see below). Therefore the poet must have married in the year 358/969 or earlier. No information concerning his wife has come down to us. Some commentators, e.g., Ḥabīb Yāḡmāʾī (p. 30), Moḥammad-Taqī Bahār (p. 39), and Ḏabīḥ-Allāh Ṣafā (Ḥamāsa, p. 178), have considered the woman referred to in the introduction to the story of Bēžan/Bīžan and Manēža /Manīža (Šāh-nāma, ed. Khaleghi, IV, pp. 303-6) to be the poet’s wife.

If this conjecture is correct, it is probable that his wife was both literate and able to play the harp, that is, she, like the poet himself, was from a landed noble family (dehqān; q.v.) and had benefited from the education given to girls by such families, including learning to read and write and the acquisition of certain of the fine arts (cf. the story of the daughters of the dehqān Borzēn, Šāh-nāma, Moscow, VII, pp. 343-44; Khaleghi, 1971, pp. 102-3, 129, 200-2; Bayat-Sarmadi, pp. 188-89).

Another point which emerges from the introduction to the story of Bēžan and Manēža is that in his youth the poet was relatively wealthy. Neẓāmī ʿArūżī (text, p. 75) also confirms this detail. Not only the content of this introduction, but also the diction and the less skillful poetry of the story itself, as compared to the rest of the Šāh-nāma, clearly indicate that it was a product of the poet’s youth, which he later included in the Šāh-nāma (Mīnovī, 1967, pp. 68-70; Ṣafā, Adabīyāt, pp. 462-64; idem, Ḥamāsa, pp. 177-79). This story, however, cannot have been the only literary work produced by the poet before 367/977, when he was thirty-eight years years old. Up to this time the poet must have produced poetry which has since been lost.

The poems (in the qaṣīda, qeṭʿa, and robāʿī forms) attributed to him in biographical dictionaries (taḏkeras), some of which may well not be by him, are probably from this period. Hermann Ethé (q.v.) collected these poems in the last century and printed them with a German translation (see also Taqīzāda, pp. 133-34; Šērānī, pp. 130-35). The narrative poem Yūsof o Zolayḵā is certainly not by Ferdowsī (Qarīb; Šērānī, pp. 184-276; Mīnovī, 1946; idem, 1967, pp. 95-125; Nafīsī, 1978, pp. 4-5; Ṣafā, Adabīyāt, pp. 488-92; idem, Ḥamāsa, pp. 175-76; Storey/de Blois, V, 576-84). According to legends found in the introductions to a number of Šāh-nāma manuscripts, the poet had a younger brother, whose name was Masʿūd or Ḥosayn (see Šāh-nāma, ed. Khaleghi, I, editor’s Intro., p. xxxiii).

At all events, according to his own statement, the poet began work on the composition of the Šāh-nāma after 365/975 (Šāh-nāma, Moscow, IX, p. 381, v. 843), and since Ferdowsī specified in the exordium to the poem that he began this task after the death of Abū Manṣūr Daqīqī (Šāh-nāma, ed. Khaleghi, I, p. 13) the composition of the poem must have begun in 366-67/976-77.

At first the poet intended to travel to the Samanid capital Bokhara (q.v.; ibid., I, p. 13, vv. 135-36) in order to continue Daqīqī’s work, using the copy of the prose Šāh-nāma of Abū Manṣūr b. ʿAbd-al-Razzāq (q.v.), which had been used by Daqīqī (qq.v.), and which probably belonged to the court library; but since a friend (identified as Moḥammad Laškarī in the introduction to Bāysonḡorī Šāh-nāma, q.v.) from his own city placed a manuscript of this work at his disposal (Šāh-nāma, ed. Khaleghi, I, p. 14, vv. 140-45), he gave up this idea and started work in his own town, where he also benefited from the support of Manṣūr the son of Abū Manṣūr Moḥammad.

According to the poet himself, this man was extremely generous, magnanimous, and loyal; he had a high opinion of the poet and gave him considerable financial help (Šāh-nāma, ed. Khaleghi, I, pp. 14-15; khaleghi-Motlagh, 1967, pp. 332-58; idem, 1977, pp. 197-215; also, after the death of Īraj [ed. Khaleghi, I, p. 121, vv. 513-14], where Ferdowsī moralizes and reproaches the killer of an innocent king, it is probably that by such a king he means Manṣūr). In the whole of the Šāh-nāma this is the only moment at which the poet speaks explicitly of having received financial help from anyone, and since he wrote this after the death of Manṣūr, there is no reason to believe that it was written in order to please the object of his praise.

Further, that he did not remove his praise of Manṣūr from the Šāh-nāma even after he added that of Sultan Maḥmūd to the poem’s introduction indicates the extent of his attachment to Manṣūr (and before him to his father Abū Manṣūr), as well as his sympathy for the political and cultural tendencies of Abū Manṣūr (Khaleghi, 1977, pp. 207-11). The year 377/987, in which Manṣūr was arrested in Nīšāpūr and taken to Bokhara, where he was then executed, was a turning point in Ferdowsī’s life; in the Šāh-nāma from this moment onward there is no mention of anything to indicate either physical comfort or peace of mind, rather we find frequent complaints concerning his old age, poverty, and anxiety.

Nevertheless, Ferdowsī was able to complete the first version of the Šāh-nāma by the year 384/994, three years before the accession of Maḥmūd (tr. Bondārī, II, p. 276; khaleghi-Motlagh, 1985, pp. 378-406; idem, 1986, pp. 12-31). The poet, however, continued to work. In 387/997, when he was 58 or a little older, composed the story of Sīāvaḵš (ed. Khaleghi, II, p. 202, v. 12) and a year later wrote a continuation of the former narrative, the “Revenge for Sīāvaḵš” (“Kīn-e Sīāvaḵš”; ibid., ed. Khaleghi, II, p. 379, v. 7).

He was then a quite different poet from the pleasure-loving and wealthy young man depicted in the introduction to the story of Bēžan and Manēža. He complained of poverty, old-age, failing sight, and pains in his legs and looked back on his youth with regret. Even so, he hoped to live long enough to bring the Šāh-nāma to its conclusion. In 389/999, he started work on the reign of Anōšīravān (q.v.) and once again complained of old age, pains in his legs, failing sight, and the loss of his teeth and looked back to his youth with regret (Moscow, VIII, p. 52). The poet was, nevertheless, very active during this year.

By the time he was 61, in 390/1000, he had composed almost 4,300 of the almost 4,500 verses of the story of Anōšīravān. The poet complained that at his age drinking wine gave no pleasure and he prayed that God would grant him sufficient life to finish the Šāh-nāma (Moscow, VIII, pp. 303-4, vv. 4277-86). Two years later, in 392/1002, the poet was busy writing the narrative of the reigns from Bahrām III to Šāpūr II (four reigns in all, covering 76 years in little more than 700 verses). It is not clear what occurred during this year to make the poet more content, as both at the opening of the first reign and also at the end of the fourth reign he expresses the desire to drink wine (Moscow, VII, p. 213, v. 9, p. 256, vv. 657-59; in the first of these verses the word rūzbeh is used, which can be interpreted as either “fortunate” or as a person’s name, and which appears in the Šāh-nāma with both meanings. In the second case Rūzbeh is probably the name of Ferdowsī’s servant). This period of happiness passed quickly.

Two years later, in 394/1004, at the beginning of the story of Kay Ḵosrow’s great war, during the course of a panegyric on Maḥmūd, he complains in accents of despair of his poverty and weakness; he points out the value of his work to Maḥmūd and asks Maḥmūd’s vizier, Fażl b. Aḥmad Esfarāyenī (q.v.), to intercede on his behalf so that some help may be forthcoming from Maḥmūd (ed. Khaleghi, IV, pp. 169-74).

The year 396/1006, when the poet was 67, was the worst period of his life. In this year his 37-year-old son died. The poet describes his grief in extremely simple and personal language, complaining to his son that he has gone on ahead and left his father alone, and asks God’s forgiveness for him (Moscow, IX, pp. 138-39, vv. 2,167-84). What is most striking in this elegy is the hemistich: hamī būd hamvāra bā man dorošt (“He was always rude to me”; ibid., v. 2,175). Was there a disagreement between father and son? And if so over what? No answer to this question can now be given.

The poet inserts this elegy into the narrative of the reign of Ḵosrow Parvēz. Approximately 1,500 lines further on, at the end of this reign, he writes that he has now completed his sixty-sixth year (Moscow, p. 230, v. 3681). This does not seem to accord with his previous statement, but if one takes into account the exigencies of rhyme and the fact that the poet was not always 100 percent accurate over figures, even in such a case, one can draw the conclusion that the reign of Ḵosrow Parvēz (a little more than four thousand verses) was written during the years 395-96/1005-6, when the poet was 66 or 67 years old. This obvious contradiction over the exact age of the poet, however, is not found in the variant “I was sixty five and he was thirty-seven” (marā šast o banj o verā sī o haft) found in certain manuscripts.

In the course of the history of Ḵosrow Parvēz, the poet complains that, due to the calumny of rivals, Maḥmūd has not given his attention to the stories of the Šāh-nāma, and the poet asks the king’s sālār (general), Maḥmūd’s younger brother Naṣr, to intercede for him and turn Maḥmūd’s attention toward the poet (Moscow, IX, p. 210, vv. 3,373-78). From this it is clear firstly that no payment from Maḥmūd had ever reached Ferdowsī, and secondly that Ferdowsī had sent some of the narratives of the Šāh-nāma separately, before he either took or sent the whole poem to Ḡazna (q.v.).

The poet mentions his poverty many times during the course of the Šāh-nāma, and frequently praises Maḥmūd, his brother Naṣr, and his governor of Ṭūs, who would seem to have been Abu’l-Ḥāreṯ Arslān Jāḏeb (Šāh-nāma, ed. Khaleghi, I, pp. 25-27; Eqbāl), but there is nowhere any suggestion that he had ever received any assistance from these individuals.

On the contrary, as has been indicated, he everywhere complains of the king’s indifference to his work. At the end of the Šāh-nāma (Moscow, IX, p. 381) he also writes that the powerful came and copied out his poetry for themselves, and the sole profit to the poet from them was their saying “well done” (aḥsant). He only mentions two individuals, ʿAlī Deylam Bū Dolaf and Ḥoyayy b. Qotayba, who helped him. In certain manuscripts, ʿAlī Deylam and Bū Dolaf are mentionedd as the names of two people, which agrees with the statement of Neẓāmī ʿArūżī (text, pp. 77-78, comm. pp. 465-66) that the first was a copyist of the Šāh-nāma and the second its reciter (rāwī).

If this statement of Neẓāmī ʿArūżī’s is correct, then these two individuals did not give the poet any monetary assistance. Instead, as a copyist and reciter of sections of the Šāh-nāma for the nobility of the town of Ṭūs, they each profited from the poet’s work. In this case line 849 (Moscow, IX, p. 381) of the Moscow edition is incorrect and should be mended according to the variant readings of the line and the reference in the Čahār Maqāla. Ḥoyayy b. Qotayba, in his capacity as financial controller of Ṭūs, sometimes remitted the poet’s taxes.

Finally, in his seventy-first year, on 25 Esfand 400/8 March 1010, Ferdowsī finished the Šāh-nāma (Moscow, IX, pp. 381-82). According to Neẓāmī ʿArūżī (text, pp. 75) and Farīd-al-Dīn ʿAṭṭār (Elāhī-nāma, p. 367; Asrār-nāma, p. 189, v. 3,204), the total time spent on the composition of the Šāh-nāma was twenty-five years. In the satire, however, there is thrice mention of thirty years and once of thirty-five years (ed. Mohl, Intro., p. lxxxix, v. 11, p. xc, vv. 11, 20, p. xci, v. 4).

If we place the beginning of work on the Šāh-nāma in 367 and its completion in 400 the time spent on its composition is thirty-three years, and if we extend the poet’s work to the period before 367—the composition of Bēžan and Manēža—and add to this time spent on revision after 400, the figure of thirty-five years is closer to the truth.

There are lines in the Šāh-nāma which, according to some scholars, refer to events of the year 401/1011 (Moscow, VII, p. 114, vv. 18-20; Taqīzāda, 1983, p. 100, n. 3; Mīnovī, 1967, p. 40). Aḥmad Ateş has gone even further than this and claims that since Ferdowsī, during the course of his praise of Maḥmūd in the introduction to the Šāh-nāma, mentions Kašmīr and Qannūj among his territories, and since Maḥmūd first conquered these regions in 406/1015 and 409/1018, Ferdowsī must have made the final revision of the Šāh-nāma and sent it to Ḡazna in 409/1018 or 410/1019.

He also draws the conclusion that Maḥmūd sent the poet a financial reward but that this reached Ṭūs in 411/1020, after the poet’s death (Ateş, 159-68). The names Kašmīr and Qannūj, which appear in this panegyric beside other names such as Rūm (the West), Hend (India), Čīn (China), etc. and which occur many more times throughout the Šāh-nāma, is no indication of a conquest by Maḥmūd of these two areas. Their occurance in the panegyric is simply due to poetic license and leads to no historical conclusions.

Our information on the poet’s life after 400/1010 is limited to the matters reported by Neẓāmī ʿArūżī (text, pp. 75-83). According to him, after the completion of the Šāh-nāma, ʿAlī Deylam prepared a manuscript of it in seven volumes and Ferdowsī went to Ḡazna with his professional reciter Abū Dolaf. There, with the help of Maḥmūd’s vizier Aḥmad b. Ḥasan Meymandī he presented the book to Maḥmūd, but because of the calumny of those who envied him, and the poet’s religious orientation, it was not favorably received by the king. Instead of 60,000 dinars (q.v.), payment was fixed at 50,000 dirhams (q.v.), and finally at 20,000 dirhams.

Ferdowsī was extremely upset by this and went to a bathhouse; upon leaving the bathhouse he drank some beer and divided the king’s present between the beer seller and the bath attendant. Then, fearing punishment by Maḥmūd, he fled from Ḡazna by night. At first he hid for six months in Herāt in the shop of Esmāʿīl Warrāq, father of the poet Azraqī (q.v.), and then he took refuge in Ṭabarestān with Espahbad Šahrīār, a member of the Bavandid dynasty (the report of the poet’s journey to Baghdad, which appears in the introductions to the a number of manuscripts of the Šāh-nāma, is merely a legend; similarly, the story of the poet’s journey to Isfahan is based on interpolated passages; see Ṣafā, Adabīyāt, pp. 474-76; Mīnovī, 1967, pp. 96-98; khaleghi-Motlagh, 1985, pp. 233-36).

While in Ṭabarestān, the poet composed 100 lines satirizing Maḥmūd, but the amir of Ṭabarestān bought the satire for 100,000 dirhams and destroyed it, so that only six lines survived by word of mouth, and these Neẓāmī ʿArūżī recorded. Later, due to events described by Neẓāmī ʿArūżī, Maḥmūd regretted his behavior toward the poet and on the recommendation of the above mentioned vizier had camel loads of indigo to the value of 20,000 dinars sent to Ferdowsī, but as the camels were entering Ṭūs by the Rūdbār gate Ferdowsī’s corpse was being borne out of the city by the Razān gate.

In the cemetery the preacher of Ṭābarān prevented his being buried in the Muslim cemetery on the grounds that Ferdowsī was a Shiʿite, and so there was no choice but to bury the poet in his own orchard. Neẓāmī ʿArūżī tells how he visited the poet’s tomb in 510/1116 (on this site, see Taqīzāda, 1983, pp. 120-21). According to Neẓāmī ʿArūżī (pp. 47-51), Ferdowsī left only one daughter, and the poet had wanted the king’s payment as a dowry for her.

But after the poet’s death, his daughter would not accept the payment and, on Maḥmūd’s orders, the money was used to build the Čāha caravansary near Ṭūs, on the road which goes from Nīšāpūr to Marv. The year of the poet’s death is given by Dawlatšāh Samarqandī (ed. Browne, p. 54) as 411/1020, and by Ḥamd-Allāh Mostawfī (p. 743) and Faṣīḥ Ḵᵛāfī (p. 129) as 416/1025. According to the first date, Ferdowsī was eighty-two years old when he died, and according to the second report he was eighty-seven.

Many details of Neẓāmī ʿArūżī’s account are inaccurate or even merely legendary (see, e.g., Qazvīnī’s introducton to Čahār maqāla, pp. xiv ff.). For example, he claims that only six lines survived of the satire, but in some manuscripts of the Šāh-nāma the number of lines is as many as 160. Some scholars considered the satire to be genuine (Nöldeke, pp. 29-31; Taqīzāda, pp. 114-16).

But Maḥmūd Šērānī established that many of the lines are spurious or are taken from the Šāh-nāma itself, and he therefore rejected the authenticity of the satire. The spuriousness of many lines in the satire, however, does not establish that the satire never existed at all. Besides, there are excellent lines in the satire which are not taken from the Šāh-nāma. Generally, it appears that in his article Šērānī was mainly seeking to vindicate Maḥmūd (Khaleghi, 1984, p. 121; Shahbazi, 1991, pp. 97-103).

There is a line in the satire (Mohl’s edition, Intro., p. lxxxix, v. 10) in which the poet refers to his age as being almost eighty. According to this line, the poet composed the satire before 409/1018. But it is very probable that the vizier who was Ferdowsī’s benefactor was Abu’l-ʿAbbās Fażl b. Aḥmad Esfarāyenī, whom Ferdowsī praised in the Šāh-nāma, and not, as Neẓāmī ʿArūżī writes (p. 78), Aḥmad b. Ḥasan Meymandī.

The latter, although holding an important position at Maḥmūd’s court, is never mentioned in the Šāh-nāma. In the legends written in some of the introductions to Šāh-nāma’s manuscripts, Meymandī has been mentioned among Ferdowsī’s adversaries at Maḥmūd’s court. This vizier was a fanatical Sunni, strongly opposed to heretics and the Qarmaṭīs, and it is possible that he was influential in the removal of Esfarāyenī from office in 401/1011 and his murder in 404/1014, and also in the execution of Ḥasanak Mīkāl in 422/1031, who was accused of harboring qarmaṭī tendencies.

In like fashion, after he became vizier in Esfarāyenī’s place in 401/1011, he directed that the language of the court records, which Esfarāyenī had caused to be kept in Persian, be changed back to Arabic. Meymandī was vizier until 412/1025. He was then removed from office and imprisoned, and the vizierate was transferred to Ḥasanak Mīkāl. Thus the vizier who is said to have caused Maḥmūd to regret his treatment of Ferdowsī, if the story is to be believed, was probably Ḥasanak and not Meymandī. If Neẓāmī ʿArūżī’s story is true, 416/1025 is therefore the more probable date of Ferdowsī’s death (see Taqīzāda, 1983, pp. 111-13).

Certain other details of Neẓāmī ʿArūżī’s version of events are confirmed by various sources. For example, the author of the Tārīḵ-e Sīstān (ed. Bahār, pp. 7-8) also gives a report of Ferdowsī’s journey to Ḡazna and his encounter with Maḥmūd. Similarly, Neẓāmī Ganjavī (Haft Peykar, p. 15, v. 47; idem, Eqbāl-nāma, p. 22, v. 14; idem, Ḵosrow o Šīrīn, pp. 24-25, vv. 21-22) and ʿAṭṭār (Elāhī-nāma, p. 367, vv. 11-13; Asrār-nāma, pp. 188-190, vv. 3,203-26; Moṣībat-nāma, p. 367, v. 8) frequently refer to the differences between the poet and the king, to Maḥmūd’s ingratitude toward Ferdowsī, and even to the incident of the poet’s drinking beer and giving the king’s gift away.

ʿAṭṭār also refers to the preacher’s refusing to say prayers over the body of Ferdowsī. Further, in the introduction to the Bāysonḡorī Šāh-nāma, a statement in Nāṣer-e Ḵosrow’s Safar-nāma is quoted to the effect that in 437/1045 on the road from Saraḵs to Ṭūs, in the village of Čāha, Nāṣer-e Ḵosrow saw a large caravansary and was told that this had been built with the money from the gift that Maḥmūd had sent to the poet, which, since he had already died, his heir refused to accept.

This report is absent from extant manuscripts of the Safar-nāma, but Sayyed Ḥasan Taqīzāda (1983, pp., 120-21) is of the opinion that it is probably genuine. Theodore Nöldeke (1920, p. 33) at first considered it spurious but later changed his mind (1983, p. 63, n. 1). Although it is possible to doubt some of the details in Neẓāmī ʿArūżī’s account, we do not at the moment have any absolute reasons to reject all the particulars in his narrative.

Social background

In the introductions to various manuscripts of the Šāh-nāma, Ferdowsī’s father is referred to as a dehqān (q.v.) who was a victim of oppression by the financial controller of Ṭūs. Even though this account may be no more than a legend, there is no doubt that Ferdowsī belonged to the landed nobility, or dehqāns. According to Neẓāmī ʿArūżī (p. 75), Ferdowsī was one of the dehqāns of Ṭūs and in his own village “had considerable possessions, such that with the income from his properties he was able to live independently of others help.”

According to the same account (p. 83), “within the city gate there was an orchard belonging to Ferdowsī,” where he was buried (see further, Bahār, pp. 148-49). The dehqāns were preservers of traditional civilization, customs, and culture, including the national legends (see Mohl’s introduction to the Šāh-nāma, p. vii; Nöldeke, Geschichte der Perser, p. 440; Ṣafā, Ḥamāsa, pp. 62-64).

On the one hand, in the Šāh-nāma dehqān appears along with the āzāda (freeborn) with the meaning of “Iranian,” and, on the other, beside mōbad (Zoroastrian priest), with the meaning of “preserver and narrator of the ancient lore.” In the Šāh-nāma, a legend concerning a dehqān by the name of Borzēn (Moscow, VII, pp. 341-46) gives us an opportunity to glimpse, to some extent, the nature of the life of this class. By comparing this with the story of a farmer’s wife in the same reign (ibid., pp. 380-84), the difference between the life of a dehqān and that of a simple farmer is apparent.

At all events, Ferdowsī belonged to one of these reasonably wealthy dehqān families, which in the second and third centuries of the Islamic era accepted Islam mainly as a way of preserving their own social position, and for this reason, contrary to what is usually the case with new converts, not only did they not turn their backs on the culture of their forefathers but made its preservation and transmission the chief goal of their lives.

The basis of Ferdowsī’s character and the national spirit of his work were founded in the first place on this class consciousness of the poet and the milieu in which his genius was nurtured. Khorasan had been a center of political, religious, national, and cultural movements at least since the rise of Abū Moslem (q.v.; killed in.137/755).

With the compilation and translation of the prose Šāh-nāma known as the Šāh-nāma-ye abū manṣūrī, which later became Ferdowsī’s major source, on the orders of Abū Manṣūr Moḥammad b. ʿAbd-al-Razzāq in 346/957, the national language and culture, which had been lacking in previous movements in Khorasan, found a special place in Abū Manṣūr’s political ambition (Mīnovī, 1967, pp. 52-55).

The young Ferdowsī, who was no more than seventeen years old when the Šāh-nāma of Abū Manṣūr was completed, must have been profoundly affected by this national and cultural movement. It was in these years that the education of a dehqān together with the poet’s national sentiment were able to mature in a congenial environment and to take shape, and thus become the foundation of the whole of his poem, so that, as Nöldeke put it (1920, pp. 36, 40-41), the poet’s attachment to Iran is clear in every line of the Šāh-nāma.

The effects of Ferdowsī’s love for Iran must be considered not only in the transmission of the culture, mores, customs, and literature of ancient Iran to Islamic Persia but also in the spread of Persian as the national language. In this way the struggle for the preservation of Iranian identity while Persia was in danger of being Arabized in the name of the Islamic community—although the movement had begun before Ferdowsī’s time with the Šoʿūbīya movement—finally bore fruit through Ferdowsī’s efforts. In this way Persia is deeply indebted to Ferdowsī, both as regards its historical continuity and its national and cultural identity.

Education

Since Ferdowsī, unlike many other poets, did not make his work a showcase for his own erudition, discussion of his education is a difficult matter. On the other hand, the intellectual quality of the Šāh-nāma shows that we do not deal simply with a great poet but with someone who judges many of the vicissitudes of life with wisdom and understanding, and this would not have been possible if he had not been in possession of a knowledge of the sciences of his time.

However, Nöldeke (1920, p. 40) thought that Ferdowsī had not received formal education in the sciences of his time, especially in scholastic theology, but considered him simply to be a reasonably educated person in such matters (for Ferdowsī’s world view, see Ḵāleḡī Moṭlaq, 1991, pp. 55-70).

Nöldeke also believed that Ferdowsī did not know Pahlavi (1920, p. 19, n. 1). Taqīzāda (p. 126) and Šērānī (pp. 170-71), on the other hand, believe that Ferdowsī was completely conversant with the sciences of his own time. Badīʿ-al-Zamān Forūzānfar (q.v.; pp. 47-49) and Aḥmad Mahdawī Dāmˊḡānī (p. 42) believe that Ferdowsī even had a thorough knowledge of Arabic prose and verse.

Similarly, Saʿīd Nafīsī (1978, pp. 9-10), Ḥabīb Yāḡmāʾī (p. 6), and Lazard (pp. 25-41) believe that Ferdowsī knew Pahlavi. However, Moḥammad-Taqī Bahār (pp. 96-135) and Shapur Shahbazi (pp. 39-41) agree with Nöldeke on the matter of Ferdowsī’s knowledge of Pahlavi.

In a later article on Ferdowsī, Nöldeke, following Taqīzāda, wrote that he had previously underestimated the poet’s knowledge of Arabic (1983, p. 63), but it appears that he did this mainly to satisfy the amour-propre of Persians. Certainly, it is probable that Ferdowsī learnt Arabic in school. The problem of Pahlavi in his time and for a person like him lay mainly in the difficulty of its script; thus if a person read a text in this language to the poet, he could probably understand it in the main. But in the Šāh-nāma there is nowhere any direct indication that Ferdowsī knew either Arabic or Pahlavi. In the exordium to the story of Bēžan and Manēža, he says that his “loving consort” (mehrbān yār) read a “Pahlavī book” (daftar-e pahlavī; ed. Khaleghi, III, p. 305, v. 19, p. 306, v. 22). But Ferdowsī refers to Šāh-nāma-yeabū manṣūrī as being in Pahlavi (ed. Khaleghi, I, p. 14, v. 143), and thus it could be interpreted as meaning “Pahlavānī” or “eloquent/heroic Persian.” There is, however, no evidence in the Šāh-nāma to indicate that Ferdowsī could read Pahlavi.

Religion

Ferdowsī was a Shiʿite Muslim, which is apparent from the Šāh-nāma itself (ed. Khaleghi, I, pp. 1o-11) and confirmed by early accounts (Neẓāmī ʿArūżī, text, pp. 80, 83; Naṣīr-al-Dīn Qazvīnī, pp. 251-52). In recent times, however, some have cast doubt on his religion and his Shiʿism. Some have simply called him a “Shiʿite” (Yāḡmāʾī, pp. 23, 28); others, such as Bahār (p. 149), have raised the question of whether Ferdowsī was an adherent of Zaydī Shiʿism, Ismaiʿli Shiʿism, or Twelver Shiʿism. Nöldeke (1920, p. 40) believed that he was a Shiʿite but did not consider him to be a member of any of the extremist Shiʿites (ḡolāt; q.v.). Šērānī (pp. 111-26) called Ferdowsī a Sunni or Zaydī Shiʿite, but Šērānī was mainly concerned with defending Maḥmūd’s Sunnism. Moḥīṭ Ṭabāṭabāʾī (pp. 233-40) also considered Ferdowsī to be a Zaydī Shiʿite. ʿAbbās Zaryāb Ḵoʾī (pp. 14-23) argued that he was an Ismaʿili Shiʿite, while Aḥmad Mahdawī Dāmˊḡānī (pp., 20-53) believed him to be a Twelver Shiʿite (see also, Shahbazi, pp. 49-53).

The basic supporting evidence for the view that Ferdowsī was a Sunni or Zaydī Shiʿite has been the lines that appear in many manuscripts of the Šāh-nāma, in the exordium to the book, in praise of Abū Bakr, ʿOmar, and ʿOṯmān, but these lines are later additions, as is apparent for lexicographic and stylistic reasons, and also because they interrupt the flow of the narrative (Nöldeke, 1920, p. 39; Yāḡmāʾī, p. 27; khaleghi-Motlagh, 1986, pp. 28-31); with the excision of these lines no doubt remains as to Ferdowsī’s Shiʿism.

One must also take into account the fact that Ṭūs had long been a center of Shiʿism (Nöldeke, 1920, p. 39) and that the family of Abū Manṣūr Moḥammad b. ʿAbd-al-Razzāq were also apparently Shiʿites (Ebn Bābawayh, II, p. 285). On the one hand, Ferdowsī was lenient as regards religion. As Nöldeke remarks, Ferdowsī remembered the religion of his forbears with respect, and, at the same time, nowhere did he show any signs of a deep Islamic faith.

Indeed, to the contrary, here and there are moments in the Šāh-nāma (e.g., Moscow, IX, p. 315, v. 56) which, even if they were present in his sources, should not strictly have been given currency by the pen of a committed Muslim (Nöldeke, 1920, pp. 38-39). On the other hand, however, Ferdowsī showed a prejudice in favor of his own sect and, as is apparent from the exordium to the Šāh-nāma, considered his own sect to be the only true Islamic one.

The explanation for this contradiction, in the present writer’s opinion, lies in the fact that during the first centuries of Islam, in Persia, Shiʿism went hand in hand with the national struggle in Khorasan, or very nearly so, such that the caliphate in Baghdad and its political supporters in Persia never made any serious distinction between the “Majūs” (i.e., Zoroastrians), “Zandīq” (i.e., Manicheans), “Qarmaṭīs” (i.e., adherents of Ismaʿili Shiʿism), and Rāfeẓīs (i.e., Shiʿites in general; see Baḡdādī, tr. pp. 307 ff.).

Ferdowsī was, as Nöldeke remarks, above all a deist and monotheist who at the same time kept faith with his forbears (Nöldeke, 1920, pp. 36-40; Taqīzāda, 1983, pp. 124-25). Ferdowsī attacks philosophy and those who attempt to prove the reality of the Creator, believing that God can be found neither by the eye of wisdom, nor of the heart, nor of reason, but that His existence, unity, and might are confessed only by the existence of His creation; thus he worshipped Him, remaining silent as to the whys and wherefores of faith (khaleghi-Motlagh, 1975, pp. 66-70; idem, 1991, pp. 55-57).

According to his beliefs, everything, good or evil, happens to an individual only through the will of God, and every kind of belief in the benign or evil influence of the stars is a derogation of the reality, unicity, and might of God. This absolute faith in the unicity and might of God is disturbed in the Šāh-nāma by a fatalism that is possibly the result of Zurvanite influences from the Sasanian period, and this, here and there, has produced a self-contradictory effect (Khaleghi, 1983, 2/1, pp. 107-14; idem, 1991, pp. 55-68; 1983, 2/1, pp. 107-14; Banani, pp. 96-119; Shahbazi, pp. 49-59).

Due to his upbringing as a dehqān, Ferdowsī was acquainted with the ancient culture and customs of Iran, and he deepened this knowledge by his study of ancient lore so that they became part of his poetic world view. There are many instances of this in the Šāh-nāma, and here as an example one can mention the custom of drinking wine. According to the poet, in accordance with Iran’s ancient beliefs, wine shows the essence of a man as he really is (Šāh-nāma, ed. Khaleghi, V, pp. 3-4); one must drink at times of happiness (ibid., Moscow, VII, p. 192, vv. 658-59), but it is happiness that is to be sought in drinking wine, not drunkenness (ibid., Moscow, VIII, p. 109, vv. 964-65), and he reproaches the Arabs who are strangers to the custom of drinking wine (ibid., Moscow, IX, p. 320, v. 113).

The most important of the poet’s ethical attitudes include maintaining a chastity of diction (Nöldeke, 1920, p. 55, n. 2), honesty (ed. Khaleqi, III, p. 285, vv. 2,879-80; Moscow, VIII, p. 206, vv. 2,626-27; Ṣafā, Ḥamāsa, p. 203; Yāḡmāʾī, pp. 14-15), gratitude toward his predecessor Daqīqī and, at the same time, frank criticism of his poetry (ed. Khaleghi, I, p. 13, V, pp. 75-76, 175-76). With the same kind of frankness the poet admonishes kings to act justly (Moscow, VII, p. 114, vv. 29-31; VIII, p. 62, vv. 161-66). His belief in the permanence of a good reputation (ed. Khaleghi, I, pp. 156-57, vv. 1,061-62), in fine speech (ibid., II, p. 164, vv. 574-76), and in fairness toward enemies (ed. Khaleghi, III, p. 163, vv. 937-38, IV, p. 64, v. 1,014) in so far as this is compatible with the heroic code of behavior, are all apparent.

But when it comes to the domination of Iran by her enemies, especially at the end of the Šāh-nāma, he is violently opposed to both Arabs and Turks (Nöldeke, 1920, pp. 37, 41). Certainly, these attitudes were in the poet’s sources, but he incorporated them into his work with complete conviction. Generally, it seems as though the ethical values of the poet’s sources and of the poet himself reciprocally acted on one another.

In this way, certain ethical values of the Šāh-nāma, such as praise for effort, condemnation of laziness, recommendation of moderation, condemnation of greed, praise for knowledge, encouragement of justice and tolerance, kindness towards women and children, patriotism, racial loyalty, the condemnation of haste and the recommendation of deliberation in one’s actions, praise for truthfulness and condemnation of falsehood, the condemnation of anger and jealousy, belief in the unstableness of the world, which is everywhere evident throughout the Šāh-nāma especially at the ends of the stories, and so forth, are considered also to be values held by the poet himself (see adab; Eslāmī, pp. 64-73).

Other opinions of the poet are his belief in the genuineness of the narratives in his sources (Šāh-nāma, ed. Khaleghi, I, p. 12, vv. 113-14) and his strong belief in the lasting values of his own work, a subject referred to frequently in the Šāh-nāma (e.g., ed. Khaleghi, IV, pp. 173-74, vv. 66-68; for other examples, see Yaḡmāʾī, pp. 15-17; Nöldeke, 1920, pp. 34-35).

Finally it seems as though he was a man who was fond of pleasantries and witticisms (e.g., concerning Rūdāba, see ed. Khaleghi, p. 243, v. 1,158; Manūčehr’s joking with Zāl, ibid., p. 253, vv. 1,283-88; Sām’s and Sīndoḵt’s joking with each other, ibid., p. 262, vv. 1,407-9; the joking of the young shoemaker’s mother before the king, Moscow, VII, p. 325, vv. 336-46). The sum of such heartfelt, mature, and eloquently expressed views and ethical precepts regarding the world and mankind have led to his being referred to, from an early period, as ḥakīm (philosopher), dānā (sage), and farzāna (learned); that is, he was considered a philosopher, though he was not attached to any specific philosophical school nor possessed a complete knowledge of the various philosophical and scientific views of his time.

Ferdowsī and Sultan Maḥmūd

In various places in his work the poet devoted in all some 250 lines—some of which are very hyperbolic—to the praise of Maḥmūd, and the name Maḥmūd and his patronymic Abu’l-Qāsem are mentioned almost thirty times; but that sincerity which is apparent in the ten lines Ferdowsī wrote in praise of Manṣūr in his introduction to the Šāh-nāma is never visible in the lines on Maḥmūd, though in many places he either directly or by implication offers Maḥmūd moral advice (e.g., Moscow, VII, pp. 114-15, vv. 29-40; VIII, pp. 153-54, vv. 1,700-04, p. 292, vv. 4,080-81).

The climactic point of these allusions addressed to Maḥmūd must be considered to occur at the end of the Šāh-nāma in the letter of Rostam, the Sasanian general, to his brother on the eve of the battle of Qādesīya. In particular, the line in which it is prophesied that a talentless slave will become king (Moscow, IX, p. 319, v. 103) is like a bridge that takes us from the hyperbolic praise of Maḥmūd in the Šāh-nāma to the hyperbolic contempt for him of the satire.

The poet’s hopes of a monetary reward from Maḥmūd must be considered one reason for his praise of Maḥmūd (Nöldeke, 1920, p. 34), but, as indicated above, there is no sign anywhere in the Šāh-nāma that any assistance from Maḥmūd ever reached the poet (Nöldeke, pp. 27-29). The praise of Maḥmūd must be considered an entirely calculated gesture, forced on the poet by his poverty (Eslāmī, pp. 59-60). With Maḥmūd’s assumption of power in Khorasan, the Shiʿite Ferdowsī had, at the least, until he had finished work on the Šāh-nāma, to include him in the poem.

This being the case he could not, according to the usual custom in Persian narrative poems, wait until the end of the poem and then write a single panegyric to be used in the preface, but was forced to compose separate passages of praise, or to place them at the head of a story that was then sent to Ḡazna. Other passages of praise may well have been placed at the beginning of sections of the seven-volume Šāh-nāma. But the closer he got to the end of the Šāh-nāma, with there still being no sign of Maḥmūd’s paying him any attention, the more pointed his sarcastic allusions to Maḥmūd became, until finally in the satire he took back virtually all his praise.

In the satire the poet frequently speaks “of this book” (az in nāma) and this led Nöldeke (1920, p. 29) to conclude that the satire was composed as a supplement to the Šāh-nāma and that the poet’s intention was to take back his praise of Maḥmūd with this satire, that is, the Šāh-nāma was no longer dedicated to Maḥmūd, as the poet himself states in the satire (Mohl’s Intro., p. lxxxix, vv. 3-4). Neẓāmī ʿArūżī (text, pp. 49-50), also makes the same statement (see also Shahbazi, 1991, pp. 83-105)

Ferdowsī the poet and storyteller

The Šāh-nāma has not received its rightful attention in works written in Persian on the art of poetry (e.g., al-Moʿjam of Šams-al-Dīn Rāzī), which works consider eloquence and poetic style largely as a matter of particular figures of speech. So far there has been little serious work on Ferdowsī’s poetic artistry, and our discussion of this subject will not therefore go beyond general principles.

In discussing Ferdowsī’s achievement one must consider, on the one hand, the totality of the Šāh-nāma as a whole and, on the other, his artistry as a storyteller. Throughout the entire Šāh-nāma, a balance is masterfully maintained between words and meaning, on the one hand, and passion and thought, on the other. Ferdowsī’s poetic genius in creating a lofty, dynamic epic language that is brief but to the point and free from complexity greatly contributes to the strength of his style.

The most important figures of speech in the Šāh-nāma include: hyperbole, paronomasia, repetition, comparisons (similes and metaphors), representative images, proverbial expressions, parables, and moral advice. Hyperbole, which is the most important principle of epic language, is present in order to increase the reader’s emotional response. Some kinds of paronomasia are used to create a verbal rhythm that is to increase linguistic tension by acoustic means.

The most commonly used kinds of paronomasia include those that involve a complete identity of two words (be čang ār čang o may āḡāz kon “Bring in your hand [čang] a harp [čang] and set out the wine”; Moscow, V, p. 7, v. 19) and those that involve alliteration (šod az raḵš raḵšān o az šāh šād “He became radiant [raḵšān] because of Raḵš [the name of Rostam’s horse] and happy [šād] because of the king [šāh]”; ed. Khaleghi, II , p. 125, v. 93; kolāh o kamān o kamand o kamar “Cap and bow and lariat and belt”; ed. Khaleghi, III, p. 147, v. 676).

This effect is sometimes achieved by the repetition of one word (bed-ū goft narm ay javānmard, narm! “He said to him: Gently o young man, gently!”; ed. Khaleghi, II, p. 222, v. 683; makon šahrīārā javānī, makon! “Do not, o prince, do not act childishly!; ed. Khaleghi, p. 363, v. 846).

There are also comparisons used to render the language representational, that is, to construct an image visually. Among the kinds of comparison used in the Šāh-nāma one must mention short comparisons which do not use words that indicate a comparison is being made (brief metaphors) and explicit comparisons (i.e., similes; For other examples, see Nöldeke, 1920, pp. 69-71; Ṣafā, Ḥamāsa, pp. 267-77).

Sometimes Ferdowsī uses personification as an image (be bāzīgar-ī mānad īn čarḵ-e mast “This drunken wheel [i.e., of the firmament] is like a juggler; ed. Khaleghi, III, p. 56, v. 474), sometimes proverbial expressions (hamān bar ke kārīd ḵod bedravīd “As you sow so shall you reap!”; ed. Khaleghi, I, p. 114, v. 383), and sometimes parables, that is, the explanation of a situation by another exemplary situation (e.g., ibid., p. 216, vv. 770-73). In each of these three figures of speech, the image is constructed by reason.

Another example of this is the elaboration of language as moral maxims (tavānā bovad har ke dānā bovad! “knowledge is power”; ibid., p. 4, v. 14). On the other hand, Ferdowsī avoids those figures of speech which involve complex language or which take language far from the intended meaning. For this reason, complex metaphors, ambiguities of grammatical construction, riddles, and academic phraseology are rarely found in his work (Nöldeke, 1920, pp. 64-65). Metaphors such as “dragon” for a “sword”; “narcissus” and “magician” for “eyes”; “coral,” “garnet,” and “ruby” for “lips”; “tulip” for “a face”; “pearls” for “tears,” “teeth,” and “speech”; “cypress” for “stature”; and so on, that have since been parts of the conventional themes, motives, and images used in Persian poetry.

The most important descriptive passages of the Šāh-nāma are descriptions of war, the beauty of people, and the beauty of nature. Although Ferdowsī himself had probably never taken part in a battle and the descriptions of scenes of warfare are in the main imaginary, as Nöldeke says (1920, p. 59), they are described so variously, with such liveliness and to so stirring an effect that, despite their brevity, the reader seems to see them pass before his eyes. The story of Davāzdah Roḵ (q.v.; ed. Khaleghi, IV, pp. 3-166) is particularly a case in point (Nöldeke, ibid). Ferdowsī does not simply introduce his heroes, he lives with them and shares their sorrows and joys.

He grieves at the death of Iranian heroes, but he does not rejoice at the demise of Iran’s enemies; his sincerity conveys his own emotions to the reader. When he describes the beauty of people, he is at his best when the subject is a women (see, e.g., ed. Khaleghi, I, pp. 183-84, vv. 287-93). As a dehqān, Ferdowsī lived in close contact with nature; for this reason the descriptions of nature in his poetry have the lively coloring of nature itself, not the coloring of decorative effects as in the poetry of Neẓāmī.

Of his descriptions of nature particularly noticeable are those concerned with the rising and setting of the sun and moon, placed at the opening of many sections of individual stories, and of the seasons of the year, in particular of spring, situated in the introductions to stories (see, e.g., ed. Khaleghi, V, pp. 219-20, vv. 1-9).

Ferdowsī’s poetic artistry go hand in hand with his skill as a storyteller. Major stories usually begin with a preamble (ḵoṭba) which includes moral advice, a description of nature, or an account of the poet himself. In the examples that involve moral advice there is normally a connection between the contents of the preamble and the subject of the story that follows, as in the introductions to the stories of Rostam and Sohrāb, of Kāvūs’ expedition to Māzandarān, and of Forūd (q.v.), the son of Sīāvaḵš.

Such a connection is sometimes also found in introductions containing descriptions of nature (Ḵāleqī Moṭlaq, 1975, pp. 61-72; idem, 1990, pp. 123-41). Thereafter begins the story and proceeds quickly. In the important stories of the Šāh-nāma, events are neither given in so direct a manner as to join the opening of the story to its conclusion in the shortest possible manner, nor with such ramifications that the main story line is lost.

But the attention of the poet to certain details of the incidents described, without the story ever straying from its main path, fills the narrative with action and variety (e.g., see the quarrel between the gatekeeper of Mehrāb’s castle and Rūdāba’s maids in Šāh-nāma, ed. Khaleghi, I, p. 196, vv. 468-77; Nöldeke, 1920, p. 17).

Many of the narrative poets who followed Ferdowsī were more interested in the construction of individual lines than of their stories as a whole.

In such narrative poems, the poet himself speaks much more than the characters of his poem, and even where there is dialogue, there is little difference between the attitudes of the various characters of the story, so that the speaker is still the author, who at one moment speaks in the role of one character and the next moment speaks in the role of another.

The result is that in such poems, with the exception of Faḵr-al-Dīn Gorgānī’s Vīs o Rāmīn and to some extent the poems of Neẓāmī, the characters in the story are less individuals than types.

In contrast, the dialogues in the Šāh-nāma are realistic and frequently argumentative, and the poet uses them to good effect as a means of portraying the inner life of his characters.

This is so to such an extent that it is as if many of the characters of the Šāh-nāma lived among us and we knew them well.

Since these characters are developed as distinct, genuine individuals, it is inevitable that sometimes differences between them should lead to conflicts that make each episode extremely dynamic and dramatic.

An instance is the conflict in the story of Rostam and Esfandīār (q.v.), which has been described as “the deepest psychological struggle in the whole of the Šāh-nāma, and one of the deepest examples of its kind in the whole of world epic” (Nöldeke, 1920, p. 59).

Ferdowsī is also very skillful in creation of tragic and dramatic moments, such as the dialogue between Sohrāb and his father, Rostam, when Sohrāb is on the point of death (ed. Khaleghi, II, pp. 185-86, vv. 856-65), Sām’s reaction upon receiving Zāl’s letter (ibid., I, p. 208, vv. 656-66), the disobedience of Rostam’s loyal horse, Raḵš, and his risking his life for Rostam (ibid., II, pp. 26-27, v. 345-46, the anger of the natural world when Sīāvaḵš’s blood is spilled (ibid., II, pp. 357-58, vv. 2,284-87), the minstrel Bārbad’s cutting off his fingers and burning his instruments while mourning for Ḵosrow II Parvēz (Moscow, IX, pp. p. 280, vv. 414-18), and so on.

The final part of Ferdowsī’s elegy for his son and the Bārbad’s elegy on the death of Ḵosrow II Parvēz together with certain of the preambles to various stories and other descriptive passages show that Ferdowsī was also a master as a lyric poet (Nöldeke, 1920, p. 64).

Such moments in the Šāh-nāma distinguish it from other epics of the world (ibid., p. 63); due to their simplicity and brevity, however, they do not harm the epic spirit of the poem, rather they give it a certain musicality and tenderness; in particular, due to the descriptions of love in the poem, these lyric moments take it beyond the world of primary epic (ibid., p. 54, n. 2).

Since the greater part of the epic poetry before Ferdowsī’s time, and even his own main source, the Šāh-nāma-ye abū manṣūrī, have disappeared, it is difficult to judge how far Ferdowsī’s artistry is indebted to his predecessors.

From the thousand lines of Daqīqī in the Šāh-nāma, from certain other scattered lines by poets who had preceded him, and also from the Arabic translation of Ṯaʿālebī, it can be seen that Ferdowsī was not an innovator but rather someone who continued an extant tradition, both in his epic style and in his narrative method.

At the same time, as Nöldeke has said (1920, pp. 22-23, 41-44), it can be shown by reference to these same works that Ferdowsī not only succeeded in preserving his poetic independence, but also that Persian epic poetry is indebted to him for its finest flowering.

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ΑΝΑΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΣΗΜΕΡΑ ΑΝΕΝΕΡΓΟ ΜΠΛΟΓΚ “ΟΙ ΡΩΜΙΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ”

Το κείμενο του κ. Νίκου Μπαϋρακτάρη είχε αρχικά δημοσιευθεί την 30η Απριλίου 2019.

Στο κείμενό του αυτό, ο κ. Μπαϋρακτάρης αναφέρεται σε δημοσιεύσεις μου αναφορικά με τον χαρακτήρα του σύγχρονου (μετά το 1925) Ιράν και αναπαράγει τμήμα ομιλίας μου σχετικά με το Ιράν και το Τουράν (: Κεντρική Ασία) την οποία έδωσα τον Ιανουάριο του 2018 στην Νουρσουλτάν του Καζακστάν.

http://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2019/04/30/τουρκμένοι-της-σάχρα-στο-βα-ιράν-η-ζωή/ =====================

Οι Ρωμιοί της Ανατολής – Greeks of the Orient

Ρωμιοσύνη, Ρωμανία, Ανατολική Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία

Η αρχαία Υρκανία ήταν η περιοχή γύρω από τα νοτιοανατολικά άκρα της Κασπίας Θάλασσας και σε αρκετό βάθος προς τα ανατολικά. Ήταν το αρχικό επίκεντρο των Πάρθων που μετά από τους Αχαιμενιδείς (Χαχαμανεσιάν: 550-330 π.Χ.) και πριν από τους Σασανιδείς (Σασανιάν: 224-651 μ.Χ.) έδωσαν στο προϊσλαμικό Ιράν την μακροβιώτερη δυναστεία: τους Αρσακιδείς (Ασκανιάν: 250 π.Χ. – 224 μ.Χ.).

Η ελληνική ονομασία είναι παραφθορά του αρχαίου περσικού ονόματος Βαρκάνα της περιοχής που ήταν μια αχαιμενιδική σατραπεία, αλλά η περιοχή ήταν ήδη γνωστή από ασσυροβαβυλωνιακά κείμενα (Ουρκανάνου) του 7ου προχριστιανικού αιώνα. Το όνομα αυτό διασώζεται σήμερα σ’ αυτό της μεγαλύτερης πόλης της περιοχής: Γκουργκάν.

Ανατολικά της Υρκανίας βρισκόταν η Μαργιανή κι ακόμη πιο πέρα στα νοτιοανατολικά η Βακτριανή (βόρειο Αφγανιστάν) και στα βορειοδυτικά η Σογδιανή (Ουζμπεκιστάν). Νότια της Υρκανίας βρισκόταν η καθαυτό Παρθία της οποίας τα σύνορα οριενταλιστές κι ιρανολόγοι έχουν πολύ συχνά σύρει κατά το δοκούν δημιουργώντας σύγχυση.

Αχαιμενιδικές σατραπείες

Βόρεια της Υρκανίας ζούσαν οι Δάαι ή Δάοι ή Δάσαι των αρχαίων Ελλήνων κι αυτούς οι Πέρσες καλούσαν Νταχάν, οι Κινέζοι Νταγί, κι οι Ρωμαίοι Dahae. Κι ακόμη πιο βόρεια εκτεινόταν η Χωρασμία, στα βορειοανατολικά παράλια της Κασπίας και σε όλη την έκταση μέχρι τα νότια παράλια της Αράλης.

Μερικές πολύ σημαντικές παρθικές πόλεις βρίσκονταν στην Υρκανία και σε μέρη της Παρθίας κοντά στην Υρκανία, και κει είχε σταθεί ο Μεγαλέξανδρος, όπως στην Εκατόμπυλο (σήμερα Κουμίς).

Η Νίσα (μεταγενέστερα Μιτραντάτ-κερτ: πόλη του Μιθριδάτη Α’ της Παρθίας, 171-138 π.Χ.) ήταν το σημαντικώτερο παρθικό εμπορικό κέντρο και καραβανούπολη πάνω στους Δρόμους του Μεταξιού.

Έντονες σελευκιδικές επιδράσεις διακρίνονται στην τέχνη των μνημείων που έχουν εκεί ανασκαφεί και ο αρχαιολογικός χώρος, κοντά στην πρωτεύουσα Ασγκαμπάτ του Τουρκμενιστάν και σχεδόν πάνω στην ιρανική μεθόριο, είναι ο σημαντικώτερος της χώρας.

Η περιοχή της Υρκανίας ήταν φημισμένη για την άγρια φύση και τα άγρια ζώα της αλλά αποτέλεσε τον στόχο πολλών ουραλο-αλταϊκών (: τουρκο-μογγολικών) φύλων με πρώτους του Εφθαλίτες Ούννους που εγκαταστάθηκαν στην περιοχή ήδη στα σασανιδικά χρόνια (και πιο συγκεκριμένα στο δεύτερο μισό του 5ου χριστιανικού αιώνα).

Για να υπερασπιστούν τα σημαντικά εμπορικά κέντρα τους από τις αυξανόμενες ουννικές, τουρκικές και μογγολικές επιδρομές, οι Σασανιδείς ανήγειραν σειρά μακρών τειχών και τάφρων που στο σύνολό τους είναι το δυτικό ασιατικό αντίστοιχο του Σινικού Τείχους.

Κοντά στο Γκοργκάν σώζονται τα ερείπια ενός τμήματος των σασανιδικών τειχών που έχει περίπου 200 χμ μήκος.

Η μέγιστη επέκταση του σασανιδικού Ιράν το 614 μ.Χ. πριν την αντεπίθεση του Ηράκλειου

Αργότερα, τον 8ο αιώνα εγκαταστάθηκαν στην περιοχή οι πρώτοι, ‘δυτικοί’, Ογούζοι (Ούζοι) Τούρκοι (πρόγονοι των Ουζμπέκων), κι από τον 10ο αιώνα χρησιμοποείται ο όρος ‘Τουρκμέν’ για όσους Ογούζους αποδέχονταν το Ισλάμ.

Σημειώνω ότι πρόκειται για ‘ανατολικούς’ Ογούζους, φύλα πολύ κοντινά στους Κινίκ από τους οποίους προήλθαν οι Σελτζούκοι.

Οι Τουρκμένοι διακρίθηκαν ως πολεμιστές των Σελτζούκων έως ότου ανέτρεψαν τις σελτζουκικές δυναστείες.

Σε μεταγενέστερες εποχές κάποιοι Τουρκμένοι εγκαταστάθηκαν στον Καύκασο, την Μεσοποταμία και την Ανατολία.

Κι η ευρύτερη περιοχή της Υρκανίας έμεινε γνωστή στα ισλαμικά χρόνια ως Ταμπαριστάν, όντας έτσι τμήμα μιας ευρύτερης περιοχής που περιλάμβανε και όλα τα νότια παράλια της Κασπίας σε μικρό όμως βάθος (εφόσον η οροσειρά Ελμπούρζ χωρίζει την Κασπία από το ιρανικό οροπέδιο).

Στο Ταμπαριστάν, ο εξισλαμισμός ήταν μια πολύ αργή διαδικασία και μέχρι τις αρχές του 11ου αιώνα η πλειοψηφία των εκεί εθνών δεν είχε ακόμη αποδεχθεί το Ισλάμ.

Από τα ανατολικά άκρα της Ρωμανίας μέχρι την Κεντρική Ασία γύρω στο έτος 1000.

Τα σημερινά σύνορα του Ιράν με το Τουρκμενιστάν είναι ολότελα ψεύτικα κι αποτελούν το ιστορικό κατάλοιπο της τσαρικής ρωσσικής επέκτασης στην Κεντρική Ασία. Μόνο το 1881 έφθασαν οι Ρώσσοι στην σημερινή μεθόριο που ουσιαστικά ήταν ουσιαστικά τα σύνορα του Ιράν με το Χανάτο της Χίβα, δηλαδή του ενός από τα τρία πιο σημαντικά ισλαμικά βασίλεια της Κεντρικής Ασίας (τα άλλα δύο ήταν το Χανάτο της Μπουχάρα και το Χανάτο της Κοκάντ).

Οι Ρώσσοι θα προχωρούσαν και κατά του Ιράν αλλά παρενέβησαν οι Άγγλοι κι οι Γάλλοι για να τους σταματήσουν. Σημειωτέον ότι οι ρωσσικές επιθέσεις ξεκινούσαν από τα δυτικά, δηλαδή από τα ανατολικά παράλια της Κασπίας Θάλασσας τα οποία είχαν πρώτα καταλάβει.

Το Χανάτο της Χίβα που κατέκτησε στον 19ο αιώνα η Τσαρική Ρωσσία

Και στην συνέχεια, οι αντι-τσαρικές εξεγέρσεις όλων των κεντρασιατικών εθνών συνεχίστηκαν και στα πρώιμα σοβιετικά χρόνια.

Μόνον μετά το 1935, τρομερές αιματοχυσίες και μεγάλεις μετακινήσεις πληθυσμών (προς Ιράν, Αφγανιστάν και βρεταννικές Ινδίες), ηρέμησε κάπως η Κεντρική Ασία.

Τσαρική διοικητική υποδιαίρεση της μόλις κατακτημένης Κεντρικής Ασίας το 1900

Αποτέλεσμα αυτών των εξελίξεων ήταν ότι σήμερα οι Τουρκμένοι ζουν διαιρεμένοι στο Τουρκμενιστάν και στο Ιράν. Στο βορειοανατολικό άκρο του Ιράν μια μεγάλη περιοχή, γνωστή ως Τουρκμέν Σάχρα (: τουρκμενική στέππα), κατοικείται σχεδόν εξ ολοκλήρου από Τουρκμένους οι οποίοι ζουν υπό διπλή, εθνική και θρησκευτική, καταπίεση. Οι Τουρκμένοι είναι σουνίτες, ενώ το σημερινό Ιράν είναι μια σιιτική θρησκευτική δικτατορία.

Από την άλλη, μέχρι το τέλος της δυναστείας Κατζάρ (1925), όλες οι ισλαμικές εξουσίες του Ιράν αποτελούσαν τυπικούς αυτοκρατορικούς θεσμούς και στις εκτάσεις αυτών των κρατών όλα τα έθνη απολάμβαναν ισονομία και ευθυδικία. Επειδή απουσίαζε κάθε έννοια δυτικού εθνικισμού, στο αυτοκρατορικό Ιράν, Πέρσες (Φαρσί), Αζέροι, Τουρκμένοι, Σοράνι, Μπαλούτς και πολλά άλλα έθνη ζούσαν χωρίς διακρίσεις διότι κανένα δεν επιβαλλόταν στα υπόλοιπα αλλά συνυπήρχαν υπό αυτοκρατορική ισλαμική σιιτική εξουσία. Ο εκάστοτε σάχης θα μπορούσε να προέρχεται και προερχόταν από οποιοδήποτε έθνος.

Αντίθετα, με την άνοδο της ψευτοδυναστείας των Παχλεβί που οφείλεται σε αγγλική αποικιοκρατικού χαρακτήρα παρέμβαση (οι Άγγλοι έκαναν ‘σάχη’ ένα άθλιο στρατιωτικό, προδότη της χώρας του και του βασιλιά του), το Ιράν μετά το 1925 υπήρξε ένα εθνικιστικό βασίλειο που το πραγματικό του όνομα θα έπρεπε να είναι Περσία (Φαρς) διότι μόνον Πέρσες διοικούσαν την χώρα, κι όλα τα άλλα έθνη τέθηκαν υπό διωγμόν και καταπιέζονταν επειδή θεωρήθηκαν εχθρικά.

Η άνοδος της ισλαμικής ψευτο-θεοκρατίας το 1979 δεν άλλαξε τίποτα. Όλες οι άλλες γλώσσες απαγορεύονταν και πάλι, τα περσικά παρέμειναν ως η μόνη επίσημη γλώσσα, αν και γλώσσα μιας μειοψηφίας (οι Περσες είναι λιγώτεροι του 50% του πληθυσμού), και κάθε απόπειρα διεκδίκησης αυτονομίας πνίγηκε και πνίγεται στο αίμα.

Οι Τουρκμένοι, όπως κι οι Αζέροι στο Ιράν, σήμερα αποτελούν την πιο σημαντική απειλή για την εξουσία των Αγιατολάχ. Τηρούν τις παραδόσεις τους αλλά δεν έχουν καμμιά σχέση με τον παραδοσιακό – και καταγραμμένο μέσα στους αιώνες – θρησκευτικό φανατισμό των Σιιτών Περσών που στην γιορτή Άσουρα χτυπιούνται με μανία και ματώνουν για να ‘συμπάσχουν’ με το δραματικό τέλος του Χουσεΰν, τρίτου ιμάμη του Ισλάμ, στην Κερμπαλά.

Εδώ, ωστόσο, πρέπει να σημειωθεί κάτι το καθοριστικό: ο σιιτικός θρησκευτικός φανατισμός είναι μια προσωπική συμμετοχή σε πάθος και δεν έχει τίποτα να κάνει με εχθρότητα, μίσος και εκδίκηση εις βάρος άλλων. Δεν έχει μάλιστα ίχνος πολιτικών διεκδικήσεων, εθνικών αντεκδικήσεων, διάθεση επιβολής του Ισλάμ επί άλλων ή απόπειρα επιβολής ισλαμικού νόμου πάνω σε μη μουσουλμάνους.

Ο σιιτικός θρησκευτικός φανατισμός είναι περισσότερο μια λατρευτική διαδικασία και μια απόπειρα να οδηγηθεί ο πιστός σε έκσταση και σε αντίληψη του ψυχικού κόσμου διά του φρικτού πόνου στον οποίο αυθυποβάλλεται ο κάθε σιίτης. Ως πίστη και ως πράξη δεν στρέφεται κατά άλλων.

Από την άλλη, οι Τουρκμένοι του Ιράν, όπως επίσης και εκείνοι του Τουρκμενιστάν, ήταν πάντοτε πολύ δεμένοι με την γη τους. Έτσι, δεν εκτέθηκαν ποτέ σε αγγλική, γαλλική ή αμερικανική αποικιοκρατία.

Αυτό σημαίνει ότι ανάμεσα στους Τουρκμένους δεν έχουν καθόλου διαδοθεί είτε το πολιτικό ισλάμ (που παρασκευάσθηκε από Γάλλους κι Άγγλους οριενταλιστές κι ισλαμολόγους στην αποσπασμένη οθωμανική επαρχία Αίγυπτο κατά την διάρκεια του 19ου αιώνα κι εκείθεν διαδόθηκε σε άλλες αποικίες της Γαλλίας και της Αγγλίας, όπως η Αλγερία, το Σουδάν, η Υεμένη, η Σομαλία, η Συρία, το Πακιστάν, κλπ), είτε ο ουαχαμπισμός των Σαουδαράβων.

Οι Τουκρμένοι βρίσκονται λοιπόν στους αντίποδες όλων αυτών που η σιωνιστική και ψευτο-μασωνική ελίτ που κυβερνάει την Δυτική Ευρώπη και την Βόρεια Αμερική σκορπίζει ως ισλαμιστές, τρομοκράτες, εξτρεμιστές, φονταμενταλιστές, κλπ ανά τον κόσμο για να προωθήσει την ατζέντα της.

Αυτό φαίνεται ανάγλυφα σε ένα βίντεο της Deutsche Welle που δείχνει πως η παράδοση και η μοντέρνα ζωή συνδυάζονται ανάμεσα στους Τουρκμένους του Ιράν. Βέβαια το βίντεο δεν παρουσιάζει τις εθνικές διεκδικήσεις των Τουρκμένων της Σάχρα και κάνει τα αδύνατα δυνατά να αποφευχθεί η όποια πολιτική κριτική εναντίον του καθεστώτος των Αγιατολάχ. Σημειώνω ότι όλη η συζήτηση με τους Τουρκμένους που παρουσιάζονται στο βίντεο έγινε στα φαρσί (περσικά), ενώ τουρκμενικά ακούγονται να μιλούνται μόνον ανάμεσα στους Τουρκμένους.

Ωστόσο, το βίντεο αυτό δίνει μια αίσθηση του πως βιώνεται το Ισλάμ σήμερα από τους πραγματικούς σύγχρονους μουσουλμάνους κι όχι από τα σαουδο-‘σπουδαγμένα’ παρανοϊκά απόβλητα της Αλγερίας, της Τυνησίας, του Μαρόκου, του Πακιστάν ή τους άξεστους ιμάμηδες ‘φοιτητές’ του ψευτο-πανεπιστημίου Αλ Άζχαρ της Αιγύπτου όπου οι Αμερικανοί, Άγγλοι και Γάλλοι διπλωμάτες πιέζουν τους πολιτικούς πολλών χωρών (ανάμεσα στις οποίες κι η Ελλάδα) να στέλνουν τους μουσουλμάνους να σπουδάζουν ‘θεολογία’ και να επιστρέφουν ως υστερικοί τρομοκράτες.

Από το βίντεο αυτό βγαίνει αβίαστα το συμπέρασμα ότι η ισλαμική τρομοκρατία, το αντιδυτικό μίσος, οι βιαιοπραγίες και το μυστικό σχέδιο κατάκτησης της ‘άπιστης’ Δύσης εκ των ένδον και υπό προσωπείο λαθρομετανάστου είναι όλα δυτικής, σιωνιστικής και ψευτο-μασωνικής επινόησης.

Υπάρχει κάτι το πολύ απλό που, αν το πείτε στα σατανικά κι αντίχριστα καθεστώτα της Αμερικής, της Αγγλίας, της Γαλλίας, του Ισραήλ και μερικών άλλων χωρών που διεκπεραιώνουν την ατζέντα, θα τα κάνετε να πάθουν αμόκ:

– Εάν θέλετε φτηνά εργατικά χέρια στην Ευρώπη, φέρτε Τουρκμένους, Αζέρους, Καζάκους, Τάταρους από τη Ρωσσία κι εν γένει μουσουλμάνους που ακολουθούν τον κεμαλισμό και που δεν έχουν φοιτήσει σε Αίγυπτο και Σαουδική Αραβία!

– Εάν θέλετε να σταματήσετε την Ισλαμική Τρομοκρατία, απαγορέψτε τις σπουδές ξένων μουσουλμάνων σε Σαουδική Αραβία κι Αίγυπτο!

Σχετικά:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hyrcania

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Margiana

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dahae

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chorasmia_(satrapy)

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khwarazm

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parthia

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nisa,_Turkmenistan

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asaak

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Qumis,_Iran

http://www.ocamagazine.com/bronze-age-archaeology-in-turkmenistan

https://www.romanianhistoryandculture.com/daheansmargiana.htm

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Great_Wall_of_Gorgan

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gorgan

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sasanian_defense_lines

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gonbad-e_Kavus

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gonbad-e_Qabus_(tower)

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Qabus

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ziyarid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tabaristan

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tapur_tribe

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkmens

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkmen_language

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkmenistan

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khanate_of_Khiva

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khanate_of_Bukhara

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Geok_Tepe

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Basmachi_movement

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashura

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Karbala

Το Ιράν των Αγιατολάχ: ένα Μασωνικό Παρασκεύασμα- αποκαλύπτει ο Έλληνας Ιρανολόγος καθ. Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης

https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2018/09/27/το-ιράν-των-αγιατολάχ-ένα-μασωνικό-παρ/

Δείτε το βίντεο:

Туркменская свадьба в Иране – Повседневная жизнь и современные мусульмане в оккупированной Туркменистане Сахре

https://ok.ru/video/1352623131245

A Turkmen wedding in Iran – Daily Life & Modern Muslims in Occupied Turkmenistan Sahra

https://vk.com/video434648441_456240148

Τουρκμενικός Γάμος στο Ιράν – Καθημερινή Ζωή και Σύγχρονοι Μουσουλμάνοι στο Κατεχόμενο Τουρκμενιστάν

Περισσότερα:

AMAZING IRAN – A TURKMEN WEDDING (DW Documentary)

Original Title: Eine turkmenische Hochzeit – Unterwegs in Irans Nordosten

Film by: Sebastian Kentner

The Turkmen Steppe, the country of a thousand mountains, is a tribute to the hidden treasure that is Iran.

Home to a proud nation with a majestic history, we show the freedom of a nomadic life, encounter the wild nature of the people and discover old traditions like the Turkmen wedding. Breathtaking sceneries create a mysticism that transports viewers into the realm of divinity while exposing a world caught between tradition and modernity – nomadism and sedentarism. https://www.autentic-distribution.com/68/pid/726/Amazing-Iran-%E2%80%93-A-Turkmen-Wedding.htm

More: https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Туркменская_степь https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkmen_Sahra

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Κατεβάστε την αναδημοσίευση σε Word doc.:

https://www.slideshare.net/MuhammadShamsaddinMe/ss-250641558

https://issuu.com/megalommatis/docs/the_turkmen_of_sahra_in_ne_iran.docx

https://vk.com/doc429864789_620636053

https://www.docdroid.net/c3jZvlF/toyrkmenoi-tis-sakhra-sto-ba-iran-i-zoi-toys-ki-i-diafora-toys-apo-tin-islamiki-docx

Πόλο, Πόλεμος, το Τζυκανιστήριον Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, οι Δρόμοι του Μεταξιού κι οι Τουρανικές – Ιρανικές Βάσεις της Ρωμιοσύνης

Polo Games, War Games, the Tzykanisterion of Constantinople, the Silk Roads, and the Turanian-Iranian Foundations of Romiosyni, i.e. today's Eastern Romans (falsely denigrated as 'Greeks')

ΑΝΑΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΣΗΜΕΡΑ ΑΝΕΝΕΡΓΟ ΜΠΛΟΓΚ “ΟΙ ΡΩΜΙΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ”

Το κείμενο του κ. Νίκου Μπαϋρακτάρη είχε αρχικά δημοσιευθεί την 4η Μαΐου 2019.

Αναπαράγοντας τμήμα ημερησίου σεμιναρίου, το οποίο είχα παρουσιάσει στο Πεκίνο τον Ιανουάριο του 2019 σχετικά με ορισμένα σύγχρονα ψευδο-έθνη της Ασίας, της Ευρώπης και της Αφρικής, τα οποία έχουν παρασκευασθεί από τους δυτικούς αποικιοκράτες, ο κ. Μπαϋρακτάρης, στο κείμενό του αυτό, απαριθμεί μία σειρά ιστορικών θεμάτων σχετικών με την παρασκευή της ψευδέστατης ταυτότητας των δήθεν Νεο-ελλήνων και την σύσταση της ψευδοϊστορίας που διδάσκεται στην δήθεν 'Ελλάδα'. Είναι φυσικό ότι όλα αυτά τα θέματα, τα τόσο καθοριστικά για το παρελθόν και την ταυτότητα της Ρωμιοσύνης, ολοσχερώς αγνοούνται από τους σημερινούς ψευδο-Νεοέλληνες του επάρατου νοτιο-βαλκανικού κρατιδίου, επειδή αυτοί έχουν πέσει θύματα αμορφώτων και τρισαθλίων παραχαρακτών, δηλαδή των 'ελληνιστών' και των 'βυζαντινολόγων'. Έτσι, τυφλοί και άχρηστοι οι σημερινοί ψευδο-Νεοέλληνες, έχοντας απωλέσει την ρωμέικη ορθόδοξη ταυτότητά τους, βρίσκονται σε κατάσταση δουλείας ασυγκρίτως χειρότερης εκείνης της οθωμανικής περιόδου.

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https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2019/05/04/πόλο-πόλεμος-το-τζυκανιστήριον-κωνστ/ ======================

Οι Ρωμιοί της Ανατολής – Greeks of the Orient

Ρωμιοσύνη, Ρωμανία, Ανατολική Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία

Αμόρφωτοι κι ανιστόρητοι οι διάφοροι Νεοέλληνες εθνικιστές ή προπαγανδιστές ελληνοκεντρισμού, ελληνισμού κι αρχαιολατρείας θέλουν να ξεχνούν ότι στα χρόνια της Χριστιανικής Ρωμαϊκής Αυτοκρατορίας, οι Ρωμιοί ένοιωθαν αποστροφή για τους Ολυμπιακούς Αγώνες της Αρχαιότητας αλλά ελάτρευαν κι έπαιζαν μετά μανίας το Τζυκάνιον.

Αν θέλετε να τιμήσετε τον Κωνσταντίνο ΙΑ’ Παλαιολόγο, αν θέλετε να πιστεύετε ότι πάλι με χρόνια με καιρούς πάλι δικά μας θάναι, αν σέβεστε την θρησκεία των προγόνων σας, αν είστε Χριστιανός Ορθόδοξος, τότε πρέπει να ξέρετε ότι τζυκανιστήρια (τεράστια στάδια όπου έπαιζαν το τζυκάνιον) υπήρχαν σ’ αρκετές πόλεις της Ρωμανίας – όχι μόνον στην Κωνσταντινούπολη.

Κι’ αυτό συνέβαινε για τον πολύ απλό λόγο ότι αυτό το τουρανικής – ιρανικής καταγωγής άθλημα που από την σασανιδική ιρανική αυλή του 5ου αιώνα μεταδόθηκε στην Βασιλεύουσα του Θεοδοσίου Β’ βοηθάει πολύ στην εξάσκηση του αυτοκρατορικού ιππικού. Το τζυκάνιον είναι αυτό που λέμε σήμερα πόλο.

Οι Ακρίτες κι η ακριτική παράδοση το τίμησαν, ο Βασίλειος Α’ Μακεδών το λάτρευε, ο ‘αὐτοκράτωρ πιστὸς εὑσεβὴς βασιλεὺς’ Αλέξανδρος Γ’ που βασίλευσε 13 μήνες το 912-913 σκοτώθηκε παίζοντας τζυκάνιον, και πολλοί Ρωμιοί ιστορικοί όπως ο Ἰωάννης Κίνναμος έγραψαν γι’ αυτό. Η Άννα Κομνηνή διασώζει κι αυτή πληροφορίες για τα θρυλικά τζυκανιστήρια της αυτοκρατορίας.

Σχετικά:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_(Byzantine_emperor)

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Kinnamos

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tzykanisterion

Ενδεικτικό του πως γράφεται και ποια είναι η πραγματική Ιστορία που είναι απαγορευμένη στο νεοελληνικό ψευτοκράτος των θεόστραβων κι αργόσχολων μονιμάδων του Δημοσίου, τζυκανιστήρια αναφέρονται ότι υπήρχαν στην Σπάρτη και στην Αθήνα, πόλεις-εμβλήματα της Αρχαίας Ελλάδας που συμμετείχαν στους Ολυμπιακούς Αγώνες αλλά στα χριστιανικά χρόνια προτιμούσαν αθλήματα τουρανικής κι ιρανικής προέλευσης.

Ειρωνεία της Ιστορίας κι εκμηδενισμός των ανεγκέφαλων κι αμόρφωτων της ΕΣΤΙΑ TV κι άλλων ψευτομασωνικών, φιλοσιωνιστικών και νεο-ναζιστικών ομάδων που με τακτική Γκαίμπελς επαναλαμβάνουν το αισχρό κι αυτοκαταστροφικό ψέμμα του ‘διαχρονικού ελληνικού πολιτισμού’…..

Σε Αθήνα και Σπάρτη πριν από 1000 χρόνια, οι Ρωμιοί προτιμούσαν την τουρανική και την ιρανική πολιτισμική κληρονομιά, το αυτοκρατορικό άθλημα της θρυλικής δυναστείας των Καϋανιδών που περιγράφει ο Φερντοουσί στο Σαχναμέ, κι απολάμβαναν το τζυκάνιον μιμούμενοι τον Σιγιαβάς, θρυλικό ήρωα του Ιράν, και τον Αφρασιάμπ, μυθικό βασιλιά του Τουράν (που το όνομά του είναι το παραδοσιακό όνομα της Σαμαρκάνδης). Κι όλα αυτά για αιώνες πολλούς πριν το Μαντζικέρτ και πριν να φανούν στον ορίζοντα οι Σελτζούκοι.

Αυτό ήταν μία μόνο διάσταση των πολιτισμικών ανταλλαγών που έγιναν χάρη στους Δρόμους του Μεταξιού – ένα θέμα που οι Έλληνες ψευτο-πανεπιστημιακοί είχαν εξοστρακίσει κι απαγορεύσει από τον φόβο τους ότι η αληθινή Ιστορία θα ισοπέδωνε τα βρωμερά, ψευτο-μασωνικά, σιωνιστικά, ρατσιστικά, φασιστικά, νεο-ναζιστικά ψέμματά τους περί της τάχα ‘ανωτερότητος του αρχαίου ελληνικού πολιτισμού’ – κάτι που έμπρακτα οι απόγονοι των Αρχαίων Ελλήνων έδειξαν ότι δεν πίστευαν.

Τώρα όμως που η Κίνα επιβάλλει παγκοσμίως την θεματολογία των Δρόμων του Μεταξιού, η αληθινή Ιστορία θα σβύσει το ψέμμα του ‘ελληνισμού’ που κατέστρεψε την Ρωμιοσύνη και την Ορθοδοξία, ξεφτιλίζοντας την Ελλάδα σαν ένα ανίκανο και χρεωκοπημένο κρατίδιο.

Το πόλο λοιπόν παραπέμπει στους ιρανικούς θρύλους και συμβολισμούς, καίριο ηρωϊκό πρόσωπο των οποίων είναι ο Σιγιαβάς του οποίου το όνομα κατέληξε ως ‘σαβάς’ (Savaş) να σημαίνει στα τουρκικά ‘πόλεμος’. Ο πόλεμος μεταξύ του Σιγιαβάς, διαδόχου του θρόνου του Ιράν, και του Αφρασιάμπ, βασιλιά του Τουράν, ήταν μια τρομερή σελίδα του ιρανικού-τουρανικού θρύλου που γράφηκε με φόντο το τζυκάνιον (πόλο) και που πρέπει να ξέρουμε πολύ καλύτερα από τις ιστορίες του εμφυλίου των Αρχαίων Ελλήνων που γράφει ο Θουκυδίδης.

Γιατί οι θρύλοι είναι προτύπωση των εσχάτων με συμβολικούς όρους, ενώοι ιστορίες του παρελθόντος δεν αφορούν ούτε το παρόν ούτε το μέλλον.

Δείτε το βίντεο:

Поло в Гилгите, Северный Пакистан – Как древний имперский спорт распространился из Турана и Ирана через Великий шелковый путь

https://ok.ru/video/1357665602157

Polo at Gilgit, North Pakistan – How an Ancient Imperial Sport spread from Turan & Iran across the Silk Road

https://vk.com/video434648441_456240156

Πόλο στο Γκιλγκίτ, Πακιστάν – Διάδοση ενός Πανάρχαιου Αθλήματος πάνω στους Δρόμους του Μεταξιού

Περισσότερα:

Το πόλο – αρχικά γνωστό σε αρχαία ιρανικά κείμενα ως τσαουκάν – είναι ένα τουρανικό – ιρανικό άθλημα του οποίου οι απαρχές χάνονται στην Κεντρική Ασία της 2ης προχριστιανικής χιλιετίας. Αν η θήρα λεόντων ήταν το αυτοκρατορικό άθλημα των Ασσυρίων μοναρχών κι αν η θήρα ιπποποτάμων ήταν το βασιλικό άθλημα των Αιγυπτίων φαραώ, το κατ’ εξοχήν άθλημα των Αχαιμενιδών σάχηδων κι όλων των διαδόχων τους μέχρι τα μέσα ισλαμικά και τα νεώτερα χρόνια ήταν το πόλο (τσαουκάν σε μέσα περσικά και τσοβγάν σε νέα περσικά).

Καθώς το άθλημα αγαπήθηκε στο Θιβέτ, στην Κίνα, στην Ινδία. και στην Ανατολική Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία, ήταν ένα ακόμη τουρανικό – ιρανικό πολιτισμικό στοιχείο που χάρη στους Δρόμους του Μεταξιού διαδόθηκε σε όλες τις μεγάλες χώρες του προαναγεννησιακού κόσμου.

Το όνομα, με το οποίο το έμαθαν οι Άγγλοι στην Ινδία και στην συνέχεια το διέδωσαν σε άλλα μέρη του κόσμου, είναι ωστόσο όχι το τουρανικό – ιρανικό όνομά του αλλά το θιβετιανό όνομα του αθλήματος. Πούλου σημαίνει μπάλα στην θιβετιανή γλώσσα Μπαλτί που ομιλείται και στο Γκιλγκίτ, στα βόρεια άκρα του Πακιστάν.

Το θιβετιανό όνομα του αθλήματος διέδωσαν στην Ινδία Τούρκοι και Μογγόλοι που συχνά από στρατιώτες και στρατηγοί έγιναν αυτοκράτορες στο Δελχί. Ένας απ’ αυτούς μάλιστα σκοτώθηκε σε αγώνα πόλο – ο Κουτμπουντίν Αϊμπάκ που βασίλεψε ως σουλτάνος στο Δελχί από το 1206 μέχρι το 1210.

Το πόλο έγινε αυτοκρατορικό άθλημα επίσης στην Κίνα ήδη από την εποχή της δυναστείας Τανγκ (7ος – 10ος αι) και σε αυτοκρατορικούς τάφους βρίσκονται αγαλματίδια αθλητών πόλο είτε ανδρών είτε γυναικών. Συνέβαλε στην διάδοση του πόλο στην Κίνα η παρουσία των εκεί καταφυγόντων μελών της ιρανικής σασανιδικής δυναστείας που δεν αποδέχθηκαν την κατάκτηση του Ιράν από τους πρώιμους μουσουλμάνους στρατιώτες.

Στην Κωνσταντινούπολη το πόλο διαδόθηκε αρκετά νωρίς και στα χρόνια του Θεοδοσίου Β’ (408-450) αναγέρθηκε ολόκληρο Τζυκανιστήριο ώστε να παίζουν οι ευγενείς Ρωμιοί το … Τζυκάνιον (παραφθορά του περσικού τσαουκάν). Τζυκανιστήρια υπήρχαν επίσης στην Τραπεζούντα, την Έφεσο και αλλού. Ο λόγος που το άθλημα λατρεύθηκε από αριστοκρατίες και αυλές είναι απλός: αποτελεί εξαιρετική εκπαίδευση και προετοιμασία για το αυτοκρατορικό ιππικό μιας χώρας.

Ωστόσο, πουθενά αλλού το άθλημα δεν λατρεύτηκε περισσότερο από όσο ανάμεσα στους Πέρσες του Ιράν και τους Τουρανούς της Κεντρικής Ασίας. Ο λόγος είναι απλός: οι καταβολές του είναι από εκεί κι ανάμεσα σε Τουρανούς κι Ιρανούς το πόλο έγινε αντικείμενο μακροσκελέστατων επικών συνθέσεων. Ο εθνικός ποιητής του Ισλαμικού Ιράν Φερντοουσί κάνει λόγο για το πόλο που έπαιζε ένας από τα πιο σημαντικά πρόσωπα του ιρανικού θρύλου: ο Σιγιαβάς, γιος του Σάχη Κεϊκαούς.

Η ιστορία του Σιγιαβάς, Ιρανού διαδόχου του θρόνου που για να αποδείξει την αθωότητά του πρέπει να καταφύγει στον Αφρασιάμπ, βασιλιά του Τουράν, είναι από τα σημαντικώτερα σημεία του Σαχναμέ,του τεράστιου επικού ποιήματος του Φερντοουσί.

Ωστόσο οι εναλλαγές κι οι αντικατοπτρισμοί είναι έντονοι και το Καλό και το Κακό παίζουν περίεργα παιχνίδια ενοχής κι αθωότητας για τους ήρωες της Καϋανικής Δυναστείας που μέσα στο έργο του Φερντοουσί προηγείται της Αρσακιδικής Δυναστείας (Ασκανιάν) αλλά δεν μπορεί να ταυτιστεί με την ιστορική δυναστεία των Αχαιμενιδών που όντως στην Ιστορία προηγήθηκαν των Αρσακιδών. Ο συμβολικός χρόνος στο έργο του Φερντοουσί έχει τελείως άλλη υπόσταση και χρησιμεύει ώστε να περιγράφονται αποκαλυπτικά κι εσχατολογικά στοιχεία ως υπόθεση του παρελθόντος αν και ανήκουν ουσιαστικά στο μέλλον.

Έτσι ο Αφρασιάμπ σκοτώνει τον Σιγιαβάς του οποίου το όνομα αρχικά σήμαινε κυριολεκτικά “αυτός με το μαύρο άλογο” αλλά κατέληξε ως ‘σαβάς’ (Savaş) να σημαίνει στα τουρκικά ‘πόλεμος’.

Σχετικά:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siyâvash

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afrasiab

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kay_K%C4%81vus

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kay_Khosrow

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Η ιστορία του Αρχαίου Αθλήματος Τσαουκάν – Τζικάνιον:

The game first played in Persia (Iran) at dates given from the 5th century BC, or much earlier, to the 1st century AD and originated there, polo was at first a training game for cavalry units, usually the king’s guard or other elite troops. To the warlike tribesmen, who played it with as many as 100 to a side, it was a miniature battle. In time polo became an Iranian national sport played normally by the nobility.

Women as well as men played the game, as indicated by references to the queen and her ladies engaging King Khosrow II Parviz and his courtiers in the 6th century AD. Certainly Persian literature and art give us the richest accounts of polo in antiquity. Ferdowsi, the famed Iranian poet-historian, gives a number of accounts of royal polo tournaments in his 9th century epic, Shahnameh (the Epic of Kings). In the earliest account, Ferdowsi romanticizes an international match between Turanian force and the followers of Siyâvash, a legendary Iranian prince from the earliest centuries of the Empire; the poet is eloquent in his praise of Siyâvash’s skills on the polo field.

Ferdowsi also tells of Emperor Shapur II of the Sassanid dynasty of the 4th century who learned to play polo when he was only seven years old. Naqsh-i Jahan Square in Isfahan is in fact a polo field which was built by king Abbas I in 17th century. Naqsh-e Jahan Square in Isfahan is the site of a medieval royal polo field.

Sultan Qutb-ud-din Aibak, the Turkic Emperor of North India, ruled as an emperor for only four years, from 1206 to 1210 but died accidentally in 1210 playing polo. While he was playing a game of polo on horseback (also called chougan in Persia), his horse fell and Aibak was impaled on the pommel of his saddle. He was buried near the Anarkali bazaar in Lahore (which is now in Pakistan). Aibak’s son Aram, died in 1211 CE [2], so Shams-ud-din Iltutmish, another ex-slave of Turkic ancestry who was married to Aibak’s daughter, succeeded him as Sultan of Delhi.

From Persia, in medieval times polo spread to the Byzantines (who called it tzykanion), and after the Muslim conquests to the Ayyubid and Mameluke dynasties of Egypt and the Levant, whose elites favored it above all other sports. Notable sultans such as Saladin and Baybars were known to play it and encourage it in their court. Polo sticks were features on the Mameluke precursor to modern day playing cards.

A Persian miniature from the poem Guy-o Chawgân (“the Ball and the Polo-mallet”) during Safavid dynasty of Persia, which shows Persian courtiers on horseback playing a game of polo, 1546 AD

Later on Polo was passed from Persia to other parts of Asia including the Indian subcontinent and China, where it was very popular during the Tang Dynasty and frequently depicted in paintings and statues. Valuable for training cavalry, the game was played from Constantinople to Japan by the Middle Ages, known in the East as the Game of Kings. The name polo is said to have been derived from the Tibetan word “pulu”, meaning ball. https://royalpoloclubrasnov.ro/history-of-polo/

Επίσης:

https://irandoostan.com/polo-or-chogan-the-unesco-intangible-cultural-heritage-of-persia/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Polo#Origins

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chovgan

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tzykanisterion

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Κατεβάστε την αναδημοσίευση σε Word doc.:

https://www.slideshare.net/MuhammadShamsaddinMe/ss-250620160

https://issuu.com/megalommatis/docs/polo_games_war_games_the_tzykanisterion_of_const

https://vk.com/doc429864789_620278896

https://www.docdroid.net/LUrtK69/polo-polemos-to-tzikanistirion-konstantinoypoleos-oi-dromoi-toy-metaksiou-ki-oi-toyranikes-iranikes-baseis-tis-romiosynis-pdf

The Fake Persianization of the Abbasid Caliphate

By Prof. Muhammet Şemsettin Gözübüyükoğlu

(Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis)

Pre-publication of Part Eight and Chapter XXII of my forthcoming book “Turkey is Iran and Iran is Turkey - 2500 Years of indivisible Turanian - Iranian Civilization distorted and estranged by Anglo-French Orientalists”; Part Eight (The Distorted Term 'Persianate') consists exclusively of Chapter XXII. The book is made of 12 parts and 33 chapters.

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With the aforementioned, one can understand that, despite its vast territory and its broad ethnic base (wider than the Umayyads'), the Abbasid Caliphate was a very weak imperial institution that could be challenged practically speaking by any small group of dissidents. Its rise in terms of spiritual-intellectual breakthrough, cultural diversity, academic-scientific knowledge, artistic-architectural creativity, economic wealth, and military strength was conditioned by one critical prerequisite: the caliphs should be able to compose an unprecedented imperial universality out of all these diverse elements that were being incessantly multiplied by the genius of Islam. Quite unfortunately, very few Abbasid caliphs proved able to pass this test. Then, the fact that this state lasted more than 500 years is rather a miracle!

In fact and to use an anachronism, the Abbasid Caliphate only 100 years after its establishment (850) was already the Sick Man of Eurasia! Neither the short-lived Umayyad Caliphate nor the Abbasid Empire that definitely eclipsed its predecessor in every sense were formed like the Roman (Republic and later) Empire, gradually prevailing over neighboring states and progressively expanding territorially over the span of 250 years (from the First Punic War, 264-241 BCE, until the annexation of Egypt, 30 BCE). Quite contrarily, Harun al-Rashid, 150 years after the early Islamic conquests, was ruling over a territory larger than that of the Roman Emperor Trajan, commanding lands between China and India in the East and the Atlantic Ocean in the West.

As regards its immense territory, linguistic multitude, and cultural–spiritual diversity, the Abbasid Caliphate can be compared only to two earlier empires: that of Alexander the Great and that of Darius I the Great. However, Alexander's empire was split to four kingdoms only 20 years after his death, and the Achaemenid Empire of Iran did not last more than 220 years after its establishment. In fact, 100 years after Darius I the Great's death, Iran was in decay. Pretty much like the Achaemenid Empire of Iran, which was not a Zoroastrian state, but a vast empire with many different religions and with Zoroastrianism as its official religion, the Abbasid Caliphate was not an Islamic state; it was a vast empire with many different religions and with Islam as its official religion. Even more strikingly in the case of the Abbasid Caliphate, new dogmas, doctrines, spiritual orders, mystical groups, theological interpretations, apocalyptic eschatological schools, and transcendental concepts were appearing almost like mushrooms. It is a terrible oversight not to take this reality into account.

What happened to the Abbasid Caliphate was however a historical particularity. Few decades after the death of Harun al-Rashid (786-809), who marked the peak of Abbasid power, several parts of the empire started seceding. One must clarify from the beginning that this was a really new type of 'secession', because it also involved approval by the caliph himself. This phenomenon took the appearance of imperial entrustment of an administrative province to a formidable military combatant, who instantly and voluntarily recognized the imperial authority. The name of the Abbasid caliph was mentioned first in the acclamations and wishes made in all sermons given during Friday prayers in all the mosques of the 'seceded' territory; taxes were paid to Baghdad and coordination was effectual, but in reality, the caliph had only nominal power over the 'seceded' province(s). More importantly, the formidable military rulers who bore significant royal titles (emirs, sultans or even caliphs) formed hereditary dynasties and engaged in various wars with local rebels, occasional invaders, foreign belligerents, neighboring secessionist rulers, and new spiritual, mystical or theological adversaries in a way that truly made of their territories fully independent states typified by their own interests and distinct characteristics.

In fact, after the first decades of the 9th c. the Abbasid Caliphate totally ceased to function as a centralized imperial institution and authority. The weakened caliphs did not have sufficient stability in Baghdad and ample military force in the provinces to quench the incessant uprisings and to avert this type of secessions. Even worse, sometimes the caliphs needed the voluntarily offered help of experienced warriors, who came with a well-trained military force to save the caliphate and eliminate its enemies. What occurred then is a situation almost similar to the appanage, a well-attested practice in Christian times' Europe. This term (from Latin adpanare 'to give bread') involves the grant of an estate as a reward for, or in recompense of, services offered or rights claimed. The final result was that the Abbasid caliph ended up as a totally powerless, decorative figure; of all of these secessionist rulers, the Buwayhi (or Buyids) achieved the unthinkable: they made of Baghdad, the capital city of the Abbasid Caliphate, their own … capital! No blood involved; no blackmail used; no threat issued!

This happened in 945; Ahmad ibn Buya, usually known in modern historiography under his regnal name Mu'izz al-Dawla, i.e. 'Fortifier of the State' (and in this case, as 'state' was meant the Caliphate itself), invaded Baghdad and made of the Abbasid capital his own capital too in the name of the caliph. It may sound odd, but it was the impotent caliph Al-Mustakfi who gave Ahmad ibn Buya the aforementioned regnal name. There is more 'paradox' to it; Ahmed ibn Buya had thoughts, ideas and beliefs close to (but not identical with) those of the followers of the descendants of Prophet Muhammad and Ali. And of course, the Abbasid caliph opposed the idea that the title of caliph was rightfully claimed by the family of the Prophet.

Of course, no one named at the time the caliph Al-Mustakfi a 'Sunni' and Ahmad ibn Buya a 'Shia', and today, it would be ridiculous to brand Ahmed ibn Buya a 'Shia' and the impotent caliph Al-Mustakfi a 'Sunni'. Only modern Western Orientalists and 'Sunni' or 'Shia' militants carry out similar distortions, the former due to their malignancy and the latter because of their ignorance and idiocy. It is definitely noteworthy that this divergence did not prevent Ahmed ibn Buya and Al-Mustakfi from finding common ground. It was however a period of very high messianic and eschatological fever, enthusiasm and fascination.

Muhammad ibn al-Askari, son of Hasan al-Askari {846-874; the 11th imam of those among the Muslims who accepted Musa al-Kadhim as the 7th imam (aforementioned section M 4 i)} and of the Eastern Roman princess Narjis ibnat Yashua (i.e. 'daughter of Jesus'), was born in 869 only to enter his Minor Occultation in 874 (one day after his father's passing away) and then his Major Occultation in 941; after that date and down to our times, the followers of this group expect the termination of the Major Occultation and the appearance of the 12th imam (Muhammad ibn al-Askari), an event prophesied to coincide with the End of Times. This means that the followers of this group identify the 12th imam with the Mahdi of Prophet Muhammad's Hadith (oral tradition). Mahdi is the Islamic Messiah, who was prophesied to lead the battle, along with Prophet Jesus (who will also reappear then), against the forces of Evil (under Masih al-Dajjal, the Antichrist, lit. 'the most fake Messiah') and eliminate them once for all. I mention the above only to show that the rise of the Buyids coincided with a time of immense apocalyptic, eschatological and messianic expectations, as people believed that developments would follow within short time (similarly with early Christians at the end of the 1st c. CE and with believers of other religions in different moments).

Of course, when describing the above, one must be watchful not to fall into the traps of modern states' pseudo-historical dogmas, fanatic pseudo-theologians' inconsistent doctrines, and Western Orientalists' intentional fallacies. It is therefore greatly important to take into account two points:

First, the various secessionists, seceding emirs, and revolting warriors were not Iranians or Persians; they were of Iranian (Persian included), Turanian, Berber, Arab and other origin. Secessions did not start in what is known as historical Iran and they were never limited there. During that period, there was never an ethnic divide 'Iranians vs. Arabs', because most of the Iranians sided with some Arabs (notably the Alids, i.e. the descendants of Prophet Muhammad and of Ali), most of the Arabs sided also with the Alids, and more importantly, most of the Arabs were already dispersed among Aramaeans, Yemenites, Iranians, Turanians, Egyptians, Berbers of North Africa, and other nations and, due to this fact, they never consisted in an 'ethnic group' properly speaking within Islam after 750 CE. Last, there was no ethnic dimension attributed to these secessions, revolts, wars or splits.

Fallacious Western Orientalists start their presentation of the fragmentation and collapse of the Abbasid Caliphate with the Samanid dynasty, which was established supposedly in 819; in fact, this is a lie, because at that time, the four sons of (the newly converted to Islam) Asad ibn Saman were rewarded by the governor of Khorasan Asad ibn Abdallah al-Qasri and by the Abbasic caliph al-Ma'mun for their bravery in combatting the Samarqand garrison commander Rafi ibn al-Layth who had revolted. Asad ibn Saman's four sons - Nuh, Ahmad, Yahya, and Ilyas - were then appointed as governors of four important Central Asiatic cities. Their positions were inherited by their respective sons and only after a 'civil' Samanid war (in fact, a family internal conflict), a unified entity emerged in 892 under Ismail Samani and the then weakened caliph was forced to recognize him as the local ruler. Speaking of a Samanid 'dynasty' before 892 is sheer nonsense, whereas calling the emerged state (one should just call it an 'administrative institution') an 'empire' is ridiculous. Even more absurd is to describe the Samanid state as ethnically 'Iranian'. Its population was almost totally Turanian.

However, this was not the first, gradually emerged secessionist entity. At this point, we have to also take into consideration the fact that few marginal Iranian rulers (of the Qarinvand and the Dabuyid dynasties), who controlled parts of the southern shore of Caspian Sea (in the almost inaccessible region of the Elburz (Alborz) range of mountains) already before the demise of the Sassanid Empire (636-651), continued existing under the early caliphs, the Umayyads and the Abbasids, although having tormented relations with them.

As a matter fact, the first rulers, who seceded from the Islamic Caliphate, were the Rustamids, who established their rule in parts of today's Algeria, Tunisia and Libya as early as 761. Even more importantly, they institutionalized the Ibadi theological, jurisprudential school of Islam, which survived down to our days, being unrelated to what is wrongly defined as 'Sunni' and 'Shia'; they were instrumental in diffusing Islam among the Berbers who made the quasi-totality of the populations of Northern and Northwestern Africa. Not quite differently from the Ibadi Rustaminds, the Muhallabids controlled parts of the caliphate's African provinces from 768 to 795; however, they were known for their animosity against the Berbers and their rule was soon terminated.

Also before the Samanids, the Idrisids (claiming descent from Ali, as Idriss I was indeed the great grandchild of Hasan, the 2nd imam) founded their own kingdom (emirate) with first capital at Volubilis (Walili, in today's Northern Morocco) in 788, acting in full opposition to the Abbasids and in synergy with various forces of the anti-Abbasid opposition. Furthermore, the Justanids (followers of Zayd ibn Ali, who are nowadays mistakenly called Zaydi or Zaidi Shia) were established in the almost unreachable province of the southwestern shores of Caspian Sea (in 791). In addition, the Aghlabids formed their state in parts of today's Algeria, Tunisia and Sicily in 800 (when Harun al-Rashid appointed Ibrahim I ibn al-Aghlab as hereditary emir of the Abbasid province of Africa/Ifriqiya) and promoted a theological – jurisprudential particularity, namely an amalgamation of Mu'talizite theology with Hanafi school of Figh.

So, the fragmentation of the Abbasid Caliphate was not due to Iranians or Persians and did not have any Iranian or Persian character.

Second, there is no 'Shia' character or dimension in the overwhelmingly apocalyptic, eschatological and messianic fever, enthusiasm and fascination of the 8th, the 9th, and the 10th c. It is wrong to imagine that, at those days, the Sunni Muslims did not have a messianic fever and the Shia Muslims did. There were no Sunni and Shia at those days; practically speaking, all the populations of the Caliphate, Muslim or not, were characterized by an apocalyptic fascination. However, this fascination had no ethnic and no religious background; it was general and overwhelming, and it would take an independent study to explore its reasons, which may eventually be related to the complete disappointment from - and the total disgust about - the Islamic Caliphate's methods of rule and administration.

Long before the 12th imam (of today's Twelver Shia) went in Occultation (Minor Occultation in 874 and Major Occultation in 941), and already before Ja'far al Sadiq's eldest son Isma'il ibn Ja'far (of today's Sevener Shia) died (762), Abu Muslim al-Khorasani, a formidable combatant and a gallant general of Iranian origin (possibly Turanian, but surely not a Persian from Fars, because most of the people in Khorasan were Turanians), died in 755; his military action and imperial advice proved to be determinant in overthrowing the Umayyad dynasty and in integrating non-Muslim Manichaeans, Nestorians, Gnostics, Mazdakists, Zervanists, Mazdeists (wrongly described as Zoroastrians), Buddhists and the followers of many new mystical doctrines into the early Abbasid Empire. So, he immediately became a legendary and occult personality for various groups, who claimed that Abu Muslim al-Khorasani had not actually died, but would come back as the prophesied Mahdi. This means clearly that what was later developed as Sevener Shia messianic eschatology and as Twelver Shia apocalyptic occult doctrine were merely some aspects and dimensions of a far more general phenomenon that took place across the Islamic Caliphate during the 8th, the 9th, and the 10th c., involving Muslims, non-Muslims, and followers of mystical orders at the confines of every strict doctrine.

Of course, Abu Muslim al-Khorasani was not the only case of occult literature and messianic eschatological fascination and indoctrination; he was only one. The Khurramites were an 8th c. spiritual, mystical order and rebellious group that accepted a doctrine established by rebellious mystics like the Iranians Sunpadh, Behafarid, and Ustadh Sis and the Turanian Ishaq al-Turk. All of them were Muslims with a strong impact of earlier apocalyptic, messianic and eschatological traditions (Manichaean, Gnostic, Nestorian, Mazdakist, Mazdeist, Zervanist, and other) and all of them performed impressive spiritual exploits and magnificent transcendental acts.

An obscure figure named Hashim al-Muqanna (the 'Veiled'), probably a Turanian, organized the Khurramites into a successful military unit characterized by spiritual discipline; he appeared as the incarnation of God and as spiritual continuity of Prophet Muhammad, Ali and Abu Muslim al-Khorasani. His posthumous fame through the Nizari Isma'ili (Assassins), the Knights Templar, and several Western European Freemasonic orders reached Napoleon, who even wrote an envisioned conversation between himself and the mystical visionary al-Muqanna (named "Le Masque prophète").

More determinant role in the transformation of the Khurramites into a formidable military force and major challenge for the Abbasid armies was Babak Khorramdin (795-838), a Turanian from Azerbaijan, i.e. pre-Islamic Iran's most sacred province, which was the center of monotheistic Zoroastrian doctrine and tradition. In fact, due to his military mastership, the Babakiyah (as the Khurramites were renamed) were practically invincible. Based in their famous and almost inaccessible castle known as Kale-ye Babak (Babak Castle), which is one of Modern Iran's most spectacular monuments (in the mountainous region of Southern Azerbaijan, near Kaleybar), the Babakiyah attacked the armies of the Caliphate and tormented many northern provinces in the Caucasus and Central Asia regions.

Having organized a clandestine network of affiliated groups, they were able to get insightful and be prepared for devastating hits against the forces of the Abbasid caliph. All major historians of Islamic times dedicated long pages to describe their valor, exploits, heroic deeds, doctrinal particularities, and mystical visions. At the end, Babak Khorramdin suffered an excruciating death at the hands of the monstrous soldiers of the cruel, pseudo-Muslim Abbasid caliph; the tortures described by illustrious historians as applied to the master of the Babakiyah order are all strictly prohibited in Islam.

However, Babak Khorramdin's messianic legend survived for centuries; his clandestine organization endured and carried out subversive activities and frontal wars against the Abbasid caliphs across vast territories spanning between the Eastern Roman Empire and China; and the ramifications of the Babakiyah order's mystical doctrine and military practices can be attested later among various Islamic traditions and groups, involving the Isma'ili Assassins and the Qizilbash of the Ottoman – Safavid times.

What is falsely described by Western Orientalists as Persianization of the Abbasid Caliphate is an effort to

i- distort the nature, character and dimensions of the Golden Era of Islamic Civilization,

ii- depict it as a 'Persian' (not even Iranian) cultural by-product,

iii- culturally subordinate numerous Central Asiatic (Turanians), Western Asiatic (Aramaeans, Caucasians, and Eastern Romans), and South Asiatic nations (Dravidians, Malay) to Persians,

iv- erase the extensive Turanization of the entire Eurasia,

v- conceal the majestic role played by the Aramaeans in the formation of the Islamic Civilization

vi- develop and detail the next historical stage of the fallacious Orientalist divide 'Iran vs. Turan' (1037-1501: from the emergence of the Slejuk to the rise of the Safavids),

vii- avert any possible reference to the impact that Manichaeism exerted on the Islamic Civilization,

viii- depict as non-Islamic the peak of Islamic Civilization (and in the process promote Western propaganda related to Islamism, Wahhabism and Islamic Terrorism),

ix- advance a global, racist, Indo-European agenda, and

x- promote a certain number of fake divides and mistaken identifications that would be politically and geopolitically useful.

The underlying concept of this historical falsification is the fallacy that 'Shia Persians' took the upper hand in the Abbasid Caliphate only to be later superseded by – the already Persianized (!?) – Turks, starting with the Seljuk dynasty. For this purpose, there are many fabricated terms, such as Iranian Intermezzo or Iranian Renaissance and Sunni Revival. These fake terms help distort the presentation of

A- the period from the rise of the Samanid dynasty (892) to the arrival of the Seljuk Turks (1037) and the demolition of the Buyid parasites in Baghdad (1055); this period is falsely called 'Iranian Intermezzo', and

B- the period from the rise of the Seljuk (1037-1055) to the rise of the first Sufi dynasty in Iran, i.e. the Safavids, in 1501.

Several determinant historical facts are enough to refute the fallacy of the Persianization of the Caliphate:

i- The presence of Turanians as basic component of the Achaemenid, Arsacid and Sassanid empires refutes the nonsensical distortion as per which 'Turks' (Turanians) appear in Iran only with the arrival of the Seljuk Turks. The same is valid for the early Islamic period until the peak of the Abbasid Caliphate. In all the parts of the unit VI (from A to L), I expanded on this highly concealed topic.

ii- The terms of Turanian – Persian interaction within the wider Iran – Turan were known since the Achaemenid times and they were only repeated across the ages and during the various periods of Islamic History. In the aboce unit VI (part D. Iranian and Turanian nations in Achaemenid Iran), I wrote: "The Persians, among all Iranians and Turanians, had an inclination to poetry, literature, epics, lyricism, arts and symbolism, whereas the Turanians were known for their tendency to martial arts, military discipline and life, asceticism and religious mysticism. The Turanians found it therefore normal to write in Old Achaemenid Iranian in the 1st millennium BCE, in Middle Persian (Parsik) during the 1st millennium CE, and in Arabic and Farsi after the arrival of Islam".

iii- One very well-known fact is comfortably forgotten, when Orientalists, Iranologists and Islamologists study the Early History of Islam between Tigris and Indus. Similarly with the invasion of Alexander the Great, the early Islamic conquest caused an overwhelming destruction of Fars (Persia). The principal Iranian capital Istakhr was totally erased from the surface of the Earth. Alexander the Great's destruction of Persepolis pales in comparison of the Islamic armies' pulverization of Istakhr. This can be easily noticed by any non-specialist traveller who happens to visit the two sites. Whereas other provinces of Iran, notably Atropatene / Adhurbadagan – Azerbaijan (also known as Abakhtar in Sassanid times), were not destroyed at all, Fars was left in ruins already before 651, when the Islamic armies reached Merv in today's Turkmenistan. And Persians were slaughtered to the last, except for those who were lucky enough to flee to the southeast, reach Sistan and Baluchistan (in today's SE Iran and SW Pakistan), and settle there.

iv- This is exactly what happened: Turanians preserved Middle Persian (Parsik) and developed Farsi after the arrival of Islam, because the Persian language had always been their means of cultural-literary expression, pretty much like Turanian (Turkic) was the language of the army. With this I don't mean that all Persian Iranians disappeared with the arrival of Islam; there were Persians living in Mesopotamia, in the Northeast (Khurasan), the Middle Zagros (Khwarawaran), and other southern regions except Fars, but they were few. The bulk of Persian populations lived in Fars and most of them were slaughtered, as they were viewed as the most polytheistic element of the Sassanid Empire.

v- Of course, the terms Iranian Intermezzo and Iranian Renaissance are not wrong if understood properly, i.e. if considered as involving the contribution of Iranians, Turanians and other nations, notably the Aramaeans, in the formation of the Islamic Civilization. Furthermore, these terms must be totally deprived of any religious or denominational connotation.

It is absurd to portray the anti-Caliphate forces, arbitrarily called 'Shia', as the driving force of the Iranian-Turanian-Aramaean Renaissance, because there were also many pro-Caliphate elements that participated in the rise of the Islamic Civilization.

And it is totally wrong to view the Seljuk Turks and other Turanians either as 'Sunni' or as the driving force of an otherwise nonexistent 'Sunni revival' during the following period 1055-1501. As a matter of fact, Turanians were the major force behind the rise of the apocalyptic, messianic, eschatological mysticism of the 8th, 9th and 10th c., which is viciously distorted (by Western Orientalists and today's silly, uneducated and intoxicated 'Sunni' and 'Shia' theologians) as 'Shia doctrine'.

As conclusion one can simply say that, as early as 651, there were not enough Persians left to possibly 'persianize' or 'indo-europeanize' the Islamic Caliphate.

As a matter of fact, the terms 'persianization' and 'persianate' or 'persianate society' were introduced only in the 1970s by Marshall Hodgson, but within a totally diverse context and with a greatly different connotation. In fact, Marshall Hodgson was an erudite scholar and a pioneer intellectual who took a staunch anti-Eurocentric stance and introduced several new terms in an effort to demolish the fake colonial model of historiography. Rejecting the fallacy of Western, colonial, racist Orientalism, in his celebrated "The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization" (3 vols.), Marshall Hodgson tried to offer to the Islamic Civilization something that almost all earlier Western Islamologists and Orientalists worked hard to deprive it of: its universality.

Marshall Hodgson contributed greatly to an improved viewpoint over China's contribution to World History, again rejecting earlier Eurocentric fallacies of demented Western Orientalists and Sinologists. Marshall Hodgson coined the term 'persianate society' in a – very correct – effort to reject and rebut the fallacy of the so-called 'Arab-Islamic' civilization and the deprecatory presentation of Islam as an 'Arab religion' (see above parts 1, 2 and 3 of the unit M. Western Orientalist falsifications of Islamic History: the Arabization of Islam and the Persianization of the Abbasid Caliphate: 1. Identification of Islam with only Hejaz at the times of the Prophet; 2. The fake, Orientalist Arabization of Islam; 3. The systematic dissociation of Islam from the Ancient Oriental History).

But as it usually happens, when evil gangsters are allowed to control Western European and North American universities, libraries, museums, foundations and associated research institutions, the original scope of the new term was removed, the term was decontextualized, and its further use proved to be totally erroneous and in striking opposition to the original use (by Marshall Hodgson).

Then, the decontextualized and distorted term was used for the above mentioned purposes i-x. Many tricks have been used for this purpose, especially false etymology of various names (to present them as of Persian origin) and incongruous linguistics. The foundation of Beit al Hikmah (House of Wisdom) in the first years of Abbasid rule played a tremendous role in the promotion of the academic life, the scientific exploration, and the intellectual advancement across the caliphate. This tendency was mainly based on Aramaean scholars of Tesifun (Ctesiphon), Nusaybin (Nisibis), Urhoy (Edessa of Osrhoene), Antioch, Gundeshapur (the greatest Sassanid library, university, archives and research center, museum and scriptorium), who were variably Muslims, Manichaeans, Gnostics or (Monophysitic or Nestorian) Christians. Iranian, Turanian, Yemenite, Egyptian, Berber and Indian scholars flocked to the House of Wisdom, which was located in Baghdad. The whole movement was supported by great Iranian families that had sooner or later abandoned Mazdeism and accepted Islam, like the Naubakht family (originating from Nemroz, i.e. the Sassanid Empire's southern administrative region) and the Barmak family, which was native to Khorasan.

The name of the Barmak family is evidently of Turanian origin (Parmak) and it was turned to al-Baramikah (البرامكة) in Arabic and Barmakian (برمکیان‎) in Farsi. However, paranoid Western historians and racist Orientalists attempted to distort this family name enormously in order to depict as … Indian and Buddhist. The ridiculous effort reached the point of even associating the historical name with the Sanskrit word Pramukha; this was suggested by the irrelevant English Indologist Harold Walter Bailey, who tried to indo-europeanize everything he studied in Central and South Asia. This idiotic and racist pseudo-scholar, who was shamelessly venerated in colonial England, forgot that first, Sanskrit was never used in Khorasan; second, it was already a dead language in the 8th c. CE; third, if truly the influential family's name were Pramukha, it would never be vocalized as al-Baramikah in Arabic and as Barmakian in Farsi.

Even more absurd is the Western Orientalists' effort to portray the prestigious Islamic family as having Buddhist affiliations prior to their adhesion to Islam. Nothing proves that the Barmakids were Buddhists and not Mazdeists (the late form of Zoroastrianism that was the official religion of the Sassanid Empire). Plenty of Islamic historical sources describe the pre-Islamic family members of the Barmakids as priestly, which means Mazdeist mobedh. Their homeland was Balkh which was a major Zoroastrian religious center since the Achaemenid times.

The ridiculous association of the Barmakian with the so-called Nawbahar Buddhist monastery (reconstructed as Nava Vihara in Sanskrit) is totally unsubstantiated because such a monastery is delusional and unsubstantiated, as it has never been identified, let alone excavated. Many Islamic sources it describe the Nawbahar temple as a fire place (so, evidently a Mazdeist shrine), and not one colonial Orientalist published a single article to refute these historical sources. Although there are certainly Chinese historical sources testifying to the existence of a Buddhist temple in the wider region of Balkh (Bactra), nothing proves that they refer to the Nawbahar shrine. All the same, if the Barmakian were Buddhists, this only strengthens the argument in favor of the Turanian ancestry of the said family, because the Persians in Khorasan were all followers of the official religion of the Sassanid Empire (Mazdeism) and the only eventual followers of Buddhism in Khorasan and Central Asia were Turanians.

The only correct term to describe the real nature of the Abbasid Caliphate until the arrival of the Seljuk Turks (1055) is 'Turanian – Iranian – Aramaean Renaissance of Islam'. About:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abbasid_Caliphate#Abbasid_Golden_Age_(775%E2%80%93861)

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/As-Saffah

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abbasid_Revolution

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barmakids

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khalid_ibn_Barmak

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yahya_ibn_Khalid

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abu_Muslim

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nasr_ibn_Sayyar

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Harith_ibn_Surayj

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/House_of_Wisdom

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Nawbakhti

https://iranicaonline.org/articles/nawbakti-family

http://www.orientalstudies.ru/eng/index.php?option=com_publications&Itemid=75&pub=47

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Qarinvand_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dabuyid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rustamid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ibadi_Islam

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhallabids

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aghlabids

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Justanids

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Idrisid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samanid_Empire

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tahirid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kara-Khanid_Khanate

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Habbari_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saffarid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Banijurids

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tulunids

http://alamahabibi.net/English_Articles/The_Al-Ferighun.htm

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sajid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hamdanid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uqaylid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fatimid_Caliphate

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ziyarid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Buyid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mu%27izz_al-Dawla

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Mustakfi

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hasan_al-Askari

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Narjis

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hujjat-Allah_al-Mahdi

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Occultation_(Islam)

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minor_Occultation

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Major_Occultation

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marwanids

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sallarid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ikhshidid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Principality_of_Chaghaniyan

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhtajids

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Banu_Ilyas

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ghaznavids

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rawadid_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Qarmatians

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hasanwayhids

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afrighids

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ma%27munids

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nizari_Ismaili_state

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soomro

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soomra_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seljuq_dynasty

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tughril

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abu_Muslim

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sunpadh

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Behafarid

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ustadh_Sis

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ishaq_al-Turk

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Muqanna

http://www.bmlisieux.com/archives/bonapart.htm

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khurramites

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babak_Khorramdin

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babak_Fort

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kaleybar

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Persianization

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Persianate_society

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marshall_Hodgson

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turco-Persian_tradition

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Persian_culture

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iranian_Intermezzo

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sunni_Revival

Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ: Σταυρόσχημοι Λαξευτοί Τάφοι των Αχαιμενιδών & Ανάγλυφο του Βαλεριανού, Αιχμάλωτου Ρωμαίου Αυτοκράτορα, Γονατιστού προ του Έφιππου Σαπούρ Α’ (240-270)

Naqsh-e Rustam: Cruciform Carved Tombs of the Achaemenid Dynasty & Relief of the Roman Emperor Valerian Captive and Kneeling before Emperor Shapur I (240-270)

ΑΝΑΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΣΗΜΕΡΑ ΑΝΕΝΕΡΓΟ ΜΠΛΟΓΚ “ΟΙ ΡΩΜΙΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ”

Το κείμενο του κ. Νίκου Μπαϋρακτάρη είχε αρχικά δημοσιευθεί την 19 Σεπτεμβρίου 2019. Στο κείμενό του αυτό, ο κ. Μπαϋρακτάρης παρουσιάζει όψεις της διαχρονικής σημασίας της αχαιμενιδικής νεκρόπολης του Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ, βασιζόμενος σε στοιχεία τα οποία παρέθεσα σε διάλεξή μου στο Καζακστάν (τον Ιανουάριο του 2019) σχετικά με την εσχατολογική σημασία ορισμένων ιερών χώρων του Ιράν.

https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2019/09/19/ναξ-ε-ρουστάμ-σταυρόσχημοι-λαξευτοί-τ/ ================

Οι Ρωμιοί της Ανατολής – Greeks of the Orient

Ρωμιοσύνη, Ρωμανία, Ανατολική Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία

Πολύ πιο εντυπωσιακό από την κοντινή (10 χμ) Περσέπολη είναι το απόμακρο Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ (نقش رستم / Naqsh-e Rostam / Накше-Рустам, δηλαδή ‘η Εικόνα του Ρουστάμ’, ενός Ιρανού μυθικού ήρωα), ένας κορυφαίος προϊσλαμικός ιρανικός αρχαιολογικός χώρος που τα πελώρια μνημεία του, λαξευτά στον βράχο, ανάγλυφα ή οικοδομημένα αυτοτελώς, καλύπτουν 1200 χρόνια Ιστορίας του Ιράν, από την αρχή των Αχαιμενιδών (Χαχαμανεσιάν / 550-330 π.Χ.) μέχρι το τέλος των Σασανιδών (Σασανιάν / 224-651 μ.Χ.)

Εδώ βρισκόμαστε στα ιερά και τα όσια των Αχαιμενιδών: ο επιβλητικός βράχος λαξεύτηκε επανειλημμένα για να χρησιμεύσει ως αχαιμενιδική νεκρόπολη. Είναι αλήθεια ότι οι Πάρθες, οι οποίοι αποσχίσθηκαν από την Συρία των Σελευκιδών (το μεγαλύτερο κράτος των Επιγόνων) το 250 π.Χ. κι έστησαν την μακροβιώτερη ιρανική προϊσλαμική δυναστεία (τους Αρσακίδες – Ασκανιάν: 250 π.Χ. – 224 μ.Χ.), δεν ένοιωσαν κανένα δεσμό με τον συγκεκριμένο χώρο και δεν ανήγειραν κανένα μνημείο στην περιοχή. Άλλωστε, η Περσέπολη παρέμεινε πάντοτε εγκαταλελειμένη μετά την καταστροφή της από τον Μεγάλο Αλέξανδρο.

Και το Ιστάχρ, η μεγάλη σασανιδική πρωτεύουσα που είναι επίσης κοντά, ήταν μια μικρή πόλη, η οποία απέκτησε ισχύ μόνον μετά την άνοδο των Σασανιδών. Ουσιαστικά, για να αντλήσουν πειστήρια ιρανικής αυθεντικότητας και ζωροαστρικής ορθοδοξίας, οι Σασανίδες απέδωσαν εξαιρετικές τιμές στους σημαντικούς αχαιμενιδικούς χώρους δείχνοντας έτσι ότι επρόκειτο για ένα είδος επανάκαμψης ή παλινόστησης.

Για να επισκεφθεί κάποιος το Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ, το Ιστάχρ και την Περσέπολη σήμερα, πρέπει μάλλον να μείνει στην Σιράζ (شیراز / Shiraz / Шираз) που απέχει περίπου 40 χμ και είναι σήμερα η πέμπτη μεγαλύτερη πόλη του Ιράν και η πρωτεύουσα της επαρχίας Φαρς, δηλαδή της καθαυτό Περσίας. Αυτό είναι μια ακόμη απόδειξη του γεγονότος ότι κάνουν τρομερό λάθος όσοι Έλληνες από άγνοια αποκαλούν το Ιράν ‘Περσία’. Η Περσία είναι μόνον μια επαρχία του Ιράν κι οι Πέρσες είναι ένα μόνον από τα έθνη του Ιράν. Κι έτσι ήταν πάντα – για πάνω από 2500 χρόνια Ιστορίας του Ιράν. Η Σιράζ ήταν η πρωτεύουσα των ισλαμικών δυναστειών των Σαφαριδών και των Βουγιδών (Μπουαϊχί) που αποσπάσθηκαν από το Αβασιδικό Χαλιφάτο της Βαγδάτης στο δεύτερο μισό του 9ου χριστιανικού αιώνα.

Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ (Νουπιστάς/Nupistaš στα Αρχαία Αχαιμενιδικά)

Οι λαξευτοί αχαιμενιδικοί τάφοι στο Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ είναι ορατοί από χιλιόμετρα μακριά κι ένας ταξιδιώτης τους επισκέπτεται καλύτερα (με άπλετο φως και χωρίς σκιές) το μεσημέρι, καθώς οι προσόψεις των πελωρίων διαστάσεων λαξευτών τάφων στρέφονται προς τα νότια, καθώς ο τεράστιος βραχώδης λόφος έχει διάταξη από ανατολικά προς δυτικά.

Δεν κάνω μια τυπική αρχαιολογική παρουσίαση για να δώσω τις διαστάσεις με λεπτομέρειες, γι’ αυτό σημειώνω εδώ μόνον ενδεικτικά στοιχεία για τον τάφο του Δαρείου του Μεγάλου: η απόσταση του χαμηλότερου επιπέδου της πρόσοψης του τάφου από το έδαφος μπροστά σ’ αυτό (όπου στέκονται οι επισκέπτες του χώρου) είναι περίπου 15 μ.

Αυτό σημαίνει ότι όλοι οι τάφοι είναι υπερυψωμένοι κι έτσι λαξεύθηκαν και φιλοτεχνήθηκαν. Το ύψος της σταυρόσχημης πρόσοψης είναι 23 μ περίπου και η απόαταση του υψηλότερου επιπέδου της πρόσοψης του τάφου από την κορυφή του βραχώδους λόφου είναι σχεδόν 26 μ.

Η υπεράνω του κεντρικού τμήματος της σταυρόσχημης πρόσοψης πλευρά έχει ύψος περίπου 8.50 μ. Η υποκάτω του κεντρικού τμήματος της σταυρόσχημης πρόσοψης πλευρά έχει ύψος περίπου 6.80 μ. Το πλάτος των πλευρών αυτών είναι το ίδιο, περίπου 10.90 μ. Η λαξευτή αίθουσα του τάφου έχει μήκος (: βάθος μέσα στον βράχο) 18.70 μ, πλάτος 2.10 μ, και ύψος 3.70 μ. Περίπου 350 μ3 βράχου ανεσκάφησαν για να δημιουργηθεί η κοιλότητα η οποία διαμορφώθηκε ως ταφική αίθουσα, χωρισμένη σε τρία τμήματα.

Το Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ είχε κατοικηθεί ως χώρος για τουλάχιστον μια χιλιετία πριν φθάσουν οι Πέρσες στην περιοχή αυτή του Ιράν. Οι πρώτοι κάτοικοι δεν είχαν καμμιά σχέση με Ιρανούς: ήταν Ελαμίτες.

Το Αρχαίο Ελάμ ήταν ένα αρχαίο έθνος και βασίλειο – τμήμα της Ιστορίας της Αρχαίας Μεσοποταμίας και όχι της Ιστορίας του Ιράν.

Οι Ελαμίτες ήταν τόσο αρχαίοι όσο και οι Σουμέριοι και ο πολιτισμός τους τεκμηριώνεται από τα αποκρυπτογραφημένα αρχαία ελαμικά που διακρίνονται σε δύο μεγάλες ιστορικές περιόδους και καλύπτουν την περίοδο από τα τέλη της 4ης προχριστιανικής χιλιετίας μέχρι το 640 μ.Χ., όταν ο Ασσουρμπανιπάλ της Ασσυρίας εξόντωσε το Ελάμ κι εξολόθρευσε το σύνολο του ελαμικού πληθυσμού.

Κέντρο του Ελάμ ήταν τα Σούσα στην Νότια Υπερτιγριανή, τα οποία οι Αχαιμενιδείς βρήκαν σε ερειπία, ανοικοδόμησαν και κατοίκησαν.

Ήδη στα χρόνια των Αχαιμενιδών τα ελαμικά ήταν μια νεκρή γλώσσα (αντίθετα με τα βαβυλωνιακά) την οποία έμαθαν οι Ιρανοί ιερείς και γραφείς από φιλομάθεια, χάρη στους Βαβυλώνιους δασκάλους τους.

Έτσι, πολλές αχαιμενιδικές αυτοκρατορικές επιγραφές υπήρξαν τρίγλωσσες, σε αρχαία αχαιμενιδικά περσικά (Old Achaemenid), βαβυλωνιακά και ελαμικά (Elamite) – όλα σφηνοειδή.

Στο Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ υπάρχουν και ελαμικά ανάγλυφα ήσσονος ωστόσο σημασίας σε σχέση με τα ιρανικά μνημεία.

Σύχρονοι γλωσσολόγοι θεωρούν τους Δραβίδες που κατοικούν το Ντεκάν, δηλαδή το νότιο μισό της ψευτο-χώρας ‘Ινδία’, ως απογόνους των Αρχαίων Ελαμιτών, δεδομένου ότι υπάρχουν εμφανείς γλωσσολογικές ομοιότητες και συνάφεια ανάμεσα στα αρχαία ελαμικά και στις δραβιδικές γλώσσες.

Τέσσερις λαξευτοί τάφοι των Αχαιμενιδών βρίσκονται στο Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ με την εξής σειρά από τα αριστερά προς τα δεξιά: ο τάφος του Δαρείου Β’ (423-404 π.Χ.), ο τάφος του Αρταξέρξη Α’ (465-424 π.Χ.), ο τάφος του Δαρείου Α’ του Μεγάλου (522-486 π.Χ.), και του Ξέρξη Α’ (486-465 π.Χ.). Ένας πέμπτος ημιτελής λαξευτός τάφος πιθανολογείται ότι ετοιμαζόταν για τον Δαρείο Γ’ (336-330 π.Χ.).

Δυο σημαντικές επιγραφές σε αρχαία αχαιμενιδικά έχουν αναγραφεί στην πρόσοψη του λαξευτού τάφου του Δαρείου Α’, η πρώτη, περισσότερου ιστορικού, αυτο-βιογραφικού χαρακτήρα, στο άνω τμήμα της πρόσοψης του τάφου (γνωστή ως DNa) και η άλλη, περισσότερο θρησκευτικού και ηθικού χαρακτήρα, στο κάτω τμήμα της πρόσοψης (γνωστή ως DNb).

Επίσης, έχουν φιλοτεχνηθεί ανάγλυφες αναπαραστάσεις στρατιωτών των εθνών που συμπεριλαμβάνονταν στην αχαιμενιδική αυτοκρατορία και φέρουν σύντομες τρίγλωσσες αναφορές που δηλώνουν την ταυτότητα του κάθε αναπαριστώμενου στρατιώτη.

Επίσης στα αχαιμενιδικά χρόνια ανάγεται ένα κυβικού σχήματος κτήριο που ονομάζεται Κααμπά-γιε Ζαρντόστ, δηλαδή το Ιερό του Ζωροάστρη, σε αντιδιαστολή με τον Κααμπά της Μέκκας. Η ονομασία αυτή έχει δοθεί στο κτήριο κατά τα πρώιμα ισλαμικά χρόνια, όταν οι κατακτημένοι από τις ισλαμικές στρατιές Ιρανοί προσπαθούσαν να διατηρήσουν την ιστορική, θρησκευτική και πολιτισμική ταυτότητά τους.

Ωστόσο, μια σασανιδικών χρόνων επιγραφή πάνω στους τοίχους του κτηρίου διασώζει την μέση περσική ονομασία: Μπουν Χανάκ, δηλ. Θεμέλιος Οίκος. Η θρησκευτική λειτουργικότητα του κτηρίου είναι εμφανής, αν και υπήρξαν σύγχρονες επιστημονικές προσπάθειες να το δουν ως χώρο της αυτοκρατορικής στέψης.

Τέσσερις συνολικά επιγραφές σασανιδικών χρόνων έχουν αναγραφεί πάνω στους εξωτερικούς τοίχους του κτηρίου αλλά η πιο σημαντική ιστορικά είναι η περίφημη Επιγραφή του Καρτίρ, κορυφαίου αρχιερέα, ιδρυτή του Μαζδεϊσμού (ως ζωροαστρικής ορθοδοξίας), θεωρητικού της αυτοκρατορικής ιδεολογίας των Σασανιδών, και αυτοκρατορικού κήρυκα του σασανιδικού οικουμενισμού.

Κααμπά-γε Ζαρντόστ – το Ιερό του Ζωροάστρη

Τα μνημεία σασανιδικών χρόνων που σώζονται στο Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ είναι κυρίως τεραστίων διαστάσεων ανάγλυφα.

Διακρίνονται κυρίως τα εξής:

Α. Ενθρονισμός και Στέψη του Αρντασίρ Α’ (226-242), ιδρυτή της σασανιδικής δυναστείας

Β. Θρίαμβος του Σαπούρ Α’ (241-272), όπου αναπαρίστανται δύο ηττημένοι Ρωμαίοι αυτοκράτορες, ο Φίλιππος Άραψ (244-249), ο οποίος δεν είχε στρατιωτικά νικηθεί αλλά συνάψει μια ειρήνη με πολύ ταπεινωτικούς για την Ρώμη όρους, και ο Βαλεριανός (253-260), ο οποίος ηττήθηκε κι αιχμαλωτίσθηκε στην Μάχη της Έδεσσας της Οσροηνής (Ουρχόη, σήμερα Ούρφα στην νοτιοανατολική Τουρκία) το 260, είχε επακολούθως ταπεινωτική ζωή κι αργότερα οικτρό θάνατο στο Ιράν.

Γ. Ο Μπαχράμ Β’ (276-293) με τον Καρτίρ και Σασανίδες ευγενείς

Δ. Δύο ανάλυφα του Μπαχράμ Β’ έφιππου

Ε. Ενθρονισμός και Στέψη του Ναρσή (293-303)

ΣΤ. Ανάγλυφο του Χορμούζντ Β’ (303-309) έφιππου

Σχετικά με την ήττα του Βαλεριανού από το Σαπούρ Α’ και σχετικά με την παγκοσμίως κορυφαία μορφή του Καρτίρ θα επανέλθω.

Στην συνέχεια, μπορείτε να περιηγηθείτε στο Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ χάρη σε ένα βίντεο, να διαβάσετε επιλεγμένα άρθρα, και να βρείτε συνδέσμους για περισσότερη έρευνα αναφορικά με την προαναφερμένη θεματολογία.

Ο ηττημένος Βαλεριανός γονατιστός προ του Σαπούρ Α’

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Накше-Ростам: римский император Валериан, стоящий на коленях перед Шапуром I (после поражения у Эдессы в Осрене) 260 г. н.э.

https://www.ok.ru/video/1511021677165

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Недалеко от Персеполя находится огромный каменистый холм, который в настоящее время укрывает значительную часть 1200-летнего доисламского исторического и культурного наследия Ирана. Крестообразные и высеченные глубоко в скале императорские гробницы Дария I, Ксеркса I и других ахеменидских шахов. Рядом с ними можно полюбоваться великолепными барельефами Сасанидов, на которых изображены два римских императора, униженных перед Сасанидским шахом Шапуром I. Также можно увидеть другие снимки двора Сасанидов.

00:56 гробница Ксеркса I

01:40 Расследование Нарсеха

01:50 гробница Дария I Великого

02:26 Два барельефа Баграма II верхом на лошади

02:46 Триумф Шапура I с двумя униженными римскими императорами, Филиппом Арабским и (стоящим на коленях) Валерианом

03:02 гробница Артаксеркса I

03:31 Хормузд II верхом на лошади

03:41 гробница Дария IΙ

04:26 Баграм II верхом на лошади

04:43 Кааба-Зардошт (Храм Зороастра)

05:44 Расследование Ардашира I

06:10 Баграм II с дворянами Картиром и Сасанидами

Династии Ахеменидов принадлежат четыре гробницы со скальными рельефами. Они расположены в скалах на существенной высоте над землёй. Одна из гробниц принадлежит царю Дарию I, что установлено по надписям (522—486 до н. э.). Про остальные гробницы предполагают, что в них похоронены цари Ксеркс I (486—465 до н. э.), Артаксеркс I (465—424 до н. э.), и Дарий II (423—404 до н. э.).

Пятая неоконченная гробница, по предположениям, предназначалась царю Артаксерксу III, но более вероятно — царю Дарию III (336—330 до н. э.). Гробницы были заброшены после покорения Персии Александром Македонским.

На территории некрополя расположено квадратное в сечении здание высотой двенадцать метров (большая часть из которых находится ниже современного уровня земли) с единственным внутренним помещением. Народное название этого сооружения — «Куб Заратустры» (Кааб-е Зартошт).

Из научных версий наиболее распространена версия о том, что здание служило зороастрийским святилищем огня. По другой, реже упоминаемой версии, под сооружением может находиться могила Кира Великого. Однако ни одна версия не подтверждена документально.

На «Кубе Заратустры» имеются клинописные надписи, сделанные от лица Картира (одного из первых зороастрийских священников), портрет которого можно увидеть неподалеку в археологической зоне Накше-Раджаб.

https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Накше-Рустам

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Naqsh-e Rostam: Roman Emperor Valerian kneeling in front of Shapur I (after the defeat at Edessa of Osrhoene) 260 CE

https://vk.com/video434648441_456240307

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Not far from Persepolis, there is an enormous rocky hill which shelters today a significant part of 1200 years of Pre-Islamic Iranian Historical and Cultural Heritage. Cruciform and hewn deep in the rock are the imperial tombs of Darius I, Xerxes I, and other Achaemenid shahs.

Next to them, one can admire the magnificent Sassanid bas-reliefs that depict two Roman emperor humiliated in front of the Sassanid Shah Shapur I and other snapshots of the Sassanid court.

00:56 Tomb of Xerxes I

01:40 Investigation of Narseh

01:50 Tomb of Darius I the Great

02:26 Two bas reliefs of Bagram II riding his horse

02:46 Triumph of Shapur I with two humiliated Roman emperors, Philip the Arab and (kneeling) Valerian

03:02 Tomb of Artaxerxes I

03:31 Hormuzd II riding his horse

03:41 Tomb of Darius IΙ

04:26 Bagram II riding his horse

04:43 Kaaba-ye Zardosht (the Shrine of Zoroaster)

05:44 Investigation of Ardashir I

06:10 Bagram II with Kartir and Sassanid noblemen

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Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ: Ανάγλυφο του Βαλεριανού γονατιστού προ του Σαπούρ Α’ & Σταυρόσχημοι Τάφοι Αχαιμενιδών

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Όχι μακριά από την Περσέπολη ένας τεράστιος βράχος αποτελεί σήμερα την παρακαταθήκη 1200 χρόνων προϊσλαμικής πολιτισμικής κληρονομιάς. Οι σταυρόσχημοι λαξευτοί τάφοι του Δαρείου Α’, του Ξέρξη και άλλων Αχαιμενιδών βρίσκονται δίπλα σε μεταγενέστερα σασανιδικά ανάγλυφα που απεικονίζουν την ταπείνωση δυο Ρωμαίων αυτοκρατόρων προ του Σάχη Σαπούρ Α’ και άλλα στιγμιότυπα της σασανιδικής αυλής.

00:56 Τάφος του Ξέρξη Α’

01:40 Ενθρονισμός και Στέψη του Ναρσή (293-303)

01:50 Τάφος του Δαρείου Α’

02:26 Δύο ανάλυφα του Μπαχράμ Β’ έφιππου

02:46 Θρίαμβος του Σαπούρ Α’ με δύο Ρωμαίους αυτοκράτορες, τον Φίλιππο Άραβα και τον Βαλεριανό γονατιστό

03:02 Τάφος του Αρταξέρξη Α’

03:31 Χορμούζντ Β’ έφιππος

03:41 Τάφος του Δαρείου Β’

04:26 Μπαχράμ Β’ έφιππος

04:43 Κααμπά-γιε Ζαρντόστ (το Ιερό του Ζωροάστρη)

05:44 Ενθρονισμός και Στέψη του Αρντασίρ Α’

06:10 Μπαχράμ Β’ με τον Καρτίρ και Σασανίδες ευγενείς

Naqsh-e Rostam (Persian: نقش رستم) is an ancient necropolis located about 12 km northwest of Persepolis, in Fars Province, Iran, with a group of ancient Iranian rock reliefs cut into the cliff, from both the Achaemenid and Sassanid periods. It lies a few hundred meters from Naqsh-e Rajab, with a further four Sassanid rock reliefs, three celebrating kings and one a high priest.

Naqsh-e Rostam is the necropolis of the Achaemenid dynasty (c. 550–330 BC), with four large tombs cut high into the cliff face. These have mainly architectural decoration, but the facades include large panels over the doorways, each very similar in content, with figures of the king being invested by a god, above a zone with rows of smaller figures bearing tribute, with soldiers and officials. The three classes of figures are sharply differentiated in size. The entrance to each tomb is at the center of each cross, which opens onto a small chamber, where the king lay in a sarcophagus.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Naqsh-e_Rostam

The Ka’ba-ye Zartosht is 46 metres (151 ft) from the mountain, situated exactly opposite Darius II’s mausoleum. It is rectangular and has only one entrance door. The material of the structure is white limestone. It is about 12 metres (39 ft) high, or 14.12 metres (46.3 ft) if including the triple stairs, and each side of its base is about 7.30 metres (24.0 ft) long. Its entrance door leads to the chamber inside via a thirty-stair stone stairway. The stone pieces are rectangular and are simply placed on top of each other, without the use of mortar; the sizes of the stones varies from 0.48 by 2.10 by 2.90 metres (1 ft 7 in by 6 ft 11 in by 9 ft 6 in) to 0.56 by 1.08 by 1.10 metres (1 ft 10 in by 3 ft 7 in by 3 ft 7 in), and they are connected to each other by dovetail joints.

The structure was built in the Achaemenid era and there is no information of the name of the structure in that era. It was called Bon-Khanak in the Sassanian era; the local name of the structure was Kornaykhaneh or Naggarekhaneh; and the phrase Ka’ba-ye Zartosht has been used for the structure since the fourteenth century, into the contemporary era.

Various views and interpretations have been proposed about the application of the chamber, but none of them could be accepted with certainty: some consider the tower a fire temple and a fireplace, and believe that it was used for igniting and worshiping the holy fire, while another group rejects this view and considers it the mausoleum of one of the Achaemenid shahs or grandees, due to its similarity to the Tomb of Cyrus and some mausoleums of Lycia and Caria.

Some other Iranian scholars believe the stone chamber to be a structure for the safekeeping of royal documents and holy or religious books; however, the chamber of Ka’ba-ye Zartosht is too small for this purpose. Other less noticed theories, such as its being a temple for the goddess Anahita or a solar calendar, have also been mentioned. Three inscriptions have been written in the three languages Sassanian Middle Persian, Arsacid Middle Persian and Greek on the Northern, Southern and Eastern walls of the tower, in the Sassanian era.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ka%27ba-ye_Zartosht

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Διαβάστε:

Naghshe Rustam

Eras

Naghshe Rustam complex is within a 6-kilometer distance to Persepolis and is located in Haji Abad Mountains. This complex encompasses three eras:

Elamite relics belong to 2000-600 B.C.

Achaemenid relics belong to 330-600 B.C.

Sasanian relics belong to 224-651 A.D.

Mausoleum of Achaemenid Kings

Some of the greatest kings of Achaemenid’s tombs are in Naghshe Rustam. Xerxes (Khashayar Shah) (486 to 445 B.C.), Darius I (522 to 486 B.C.), Ardashir I (465 to 424 B.C.), and Darius II (424 to 405 B.C.) tombs are located in Naghshe Rostam.

The Tombs

The width of each tomb is 19 meters and the length is about 93 meters. The tombs are about 26 meters above the ground level.

Symbolism of the outer space of the tombs

The carving of the king with an arc in the hand is visible on top of the platform. This arc is a symbol of strength. In front of the king, the carving of Ahuramazda is visible. In this carving, two places are visible in which sacred fire is burning. In the right top of the picture, the carving of the moon is visible which shows the world instability.

In the bottom of the platform, the representatives of different nations are holding the kingdom throne. There are also columns; on top of each column, you can see a two-headed cow. Some roaring lions are visible in the bottom of the motifs. The lions are decorated with some lotus. Lotus is a symbol of sincerity and being free of any sin.

Mausoleum Structures

The entrance of each mausoleum is square shaped. These doors were being locked in ancient times. Additionally, Darius Mausoleum has some cuneiform writing. In this writing, Darius is praising Ahuramazda and he mentions his victories. He also speaks of his thoughts. The corridor in Darius Mausoleum has a length of 18.72 meters and a width of 3.70 meters. In this mausoleum, there are nine stone coffins which are dug in a stone row. They belong to the Great Darius, the Queen, and other relatives. Their dimensions are 2.1*1.5*1.5. Each tomb is covered with a big stone.

Kabaye Zartosht (Cube of Zoroaster)

In front of the Naghshe Rustam, in a whole, there is a beautiful cube that they call it the Cube of Zoroaster –who is an Iranian Prophet-. This building is made of big stones. The proficiency and precision used in cuttings and carvings in the black and white stones show the capability of the architectures in Achaemenid Dynasty. On top of the cube, there is a 2.5*2.5 square meters room. There are different beliefs about this room.

Some believe that Avesta (the religious texts of Zoroastrianism) which was written on 12000 cowhides has been stored in this room. Some others believe that this room is the tomb of Bardiya the son of Cyrus who was killed by his brother Cambyses.

Some of the historians believe that the sacred fire was stored in this room. Recently it is said that this room was an observatory. During the Sasanian Empire, some of the important governmental documents were kept. A Sasanian inscription is in three languages. This inscription mainly talks about the historical events in Shapour I in Iran and Rome battles in which the Valerian (Rome Emperor) was defeated and prisoned in Bishapur.

The Excavation of Naghshe Rustam

For the first time, it was excavated by Ernst Herzfeld (German archaeologist and Iranologist) in 1923. Herzfeld excavated the last vestiges of Sasanian towers. After that, this place was analyzed several times from 1936 to 1939. Some important heritage like Persian Inscriptions and some buried stone belonging to Sassanid Era were found. In central Excavations, they reach a building. And in the western parts, the last vestiges of two buildings with muddy bricks were found.

https://apochi.com/attractions/shiraz/naghshe-rustam/

Ο ηττημένος Βαλεριανός γονατιστός προ του Σαπούρ Α’

Naqš-e Rostam

Naqš-e Rostam, a perpendicular cliff wall on the southern nose of the Ḥosayn Kuh in Fārs, about 6 km northwest of Persepolis; the site is unusually rich in Achaemenid and Sasanian monuments, built or hewn out from the rock. The Persian name “Pictures of Rostam” refers to the Sasanian reliefs on the cliff, believed to represent the deeds of Rostam.

Achaemenid Period. The most important architectural remains are the tower called Kaʿba-ye Zardošt (Kaʿba of Zoroaster, Ar. kaʿba “cube, sanctuary”) and four royal tombs with rock cut façades and sepulchral chambers.

(1) The Kaʿba-ye Zardošt is a massive, built square tower, resting on three steps (7.30 x 7.30 x14.12 m) and covered by a flat pyramidal roof (Stronach, 1967, pp. 282-84; 1978, pp. 130-36; Camb. Hist. Iran II, pp. 838-48; Schmidt, pp. 34-49). The only opening is a door. But on all four sides there is a system of blind windows in dark grey limestone, set off by the yellow color of the general structure, between the reinforced corners, and the walls are covered with staggered rectangular depressions. Both systems have no other purpose than to relieve the monotony of the structure. A frieze of dentils forms the upper cornice. A staircase of 30 steps, eight of which are preserved, led to the door (0.87 x 1.75 m) in the upper part of the north wall. Originally, the two leaves of a door opened into an almost square room (3.72 x 3.74 x 5.54 m) without any architectural decoration and no provisions for lighting (Schmidt, p. 37).

There is an analogous, though much more decayed, structure, called Zendān-e Soleymān (lit. prison of Solomon), in Pasargadae (Stronach, 1978, pp. 117-37; 1983, pp. 848-52). Its stone technique does not yet show traces of the toothed chisel (Stronach, 1978, p. 132), and the building can thus be dated to the last years of Cyrus II the Great (r. ca. 558-530 BCE), whereas due to chisel marks the Kaʿba-ye Zardošt can be dated to the early years of Darius I (r. 522-486), around 500 BCE. The Achaemenid structures do not have exact prototypes, but their plan is comparable with those of the earlier Urartian tower temples (Stronach, 1967, pp. 278-88; 1978, pp. 132-34).

On the Kaʿba-ye Zardošt, three exterior sides bear the famous inscription of Shapur I. (r. 241-72 C.E.). The Res gestae divi Saporis (ŠKZ) was added in Greek on the south wall, in Sasanian Pahlawi (Parsik) on the east, and in Parthian (Pahlawik) on the west (Back, pp. 284-371), while the north wall with the entrance has remained empty. Beneath the Parsik version on the east wall, the high priest Kirdīr had his own inscription incised (Sprengling, pp. 37-54; Chaumont, pp. 339-80; Gignoux, pp. 45-48).

Evidently, in Sasanian times the Kaʿba-ye Zardošt—like the tower at Paikuli with the inscription of Narseh (r. 293–302; cf. Humbach and Skjaervø)—served, in addition to other functions, as memorial. Perhaps the two towers in Naqš-e Rostam and Pasargadae already had a similar significance in Achaemenid times, albeit this cannot have been their main function.

In Kirdīr’s inscription the Kaʿba-ye Zardošt is called “bun-xānak.” W. B. Henning proposed the translation “foundation house,” and concluded that the tower was of central religious significance. He suggested that the empty high room was destined “for the safe keeping of the records of the church and even more for the principal copy of the Avesta” (Henning).

Though other translations of “bun-xānak” have been discussed (Gignoux, pp. 28-29 n. 61), it seems the most convincing interpretation that these two towers served as depositories. The lack of any provision for the ventilation of a fire excludes the towers’ use as fire temples (Stronach, 1978, pp. 134-35).

Their staircases were designed “for the solemn ascent and descent of persons who in some manner attended the sacred structure” (Schmidt, p. 41). They indicate that the towers did not serve as royal tombs (Stronach, Camb. Hist. Iran II, p. 849 n. 2), because those have entrance walls that are smoothed beyond their facades, down to the original ground, to make them inaccessible.

N. Frye (1974, p. 386) first expressed the opinion that “the intention was . . . to build a safety box for the paraphernalia of rule in the vicinity of Persepolis as had been done at Pasargadae,” though E. F. Schmidt (p. 44) had dismissed the interpretation of the Kaʿba-ye Zardošt as depository. But Plutarch (46-after 119 C.E.) mentions in Artoxerxes 3 that at Pasargadae one temple belonged “to a warlike goddess, whom one might conjecture to be Athena” (Sancisi-Weerdenburg, p. 148).

At this sanctuary the Achaemenid kings were crowned. During the coronation ceremony the new monarch took a very frugal meal, and was dressed in the robes which Cyrus the Elder wore before assuming kingship. H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg was the first to identify the Zendān-e Soleymān as Plutarch’s temple (Gk. hieron).

Consequently, she interpreted this building, as well as the Kaʿba-ye Zardošt, as “coronation tower.” Her view that these towers had dynastic functions, rather than a purely religious significance and definitely no funeral purposes, has become widely accepted, though her suggestion that a sacred fire was also kindled in these towers can no longer be upheld.

(2) The Royal Tombs. In the cliff wall four monumental tombs are cut out from the native rock (Schmidt, pp. 80-107). The oldest tomb (Tomb I) has inscriptions that assign it to Darius I.

The other three (Tomb II-IV) can only tentatively be attributed to Xerxes (east-northeast of Darius I), Artaxerxes I (west-southwest of the tomb of Darius I) and Darius II (westernmost).

The four monuments follow the same pattern. But it is completely different from that of the older tomb of Cyrus the Great at Pasargadae, which is a built structure consisting of a stepped platform and a tomb with a gabled roof. The model was first used for Darius I and has no exact prototypes in the Near East, Egypt or Greece, though the stone technique is Urartian in origin (Calmeyer, 1975, pp. 101-7; Gropp, pp. 115-21; Huff, 1990, pp. 90-91).

The rock tomb is characterized by the contrast between a cruciform composition in relief on the exterior wall and a very simple interior of chambers and grave cists. The center of the relief ensemble is a facade that represents the front of a palace with four engaged columns. On this architectural component rests a throne bench (Gk. klinē, OPers. gathu in inscription DNa) that is supported by 30 representatives of the empire’s peoples. The throne bench in turn serves as the platform of a religious scene with king, fire altar, and divine symbols.

The architectural register recalls the palace of the living monarch because the portico’s dimensions on the tomb of Darius I. are almost identical to those of his palace on the terrace of Persepolis (Schmidt, p. 81). A significant feature is the use of engaged columns, which appear on his tomb for the first time in rock architecture.

The so-called Median rock tombs, which are imitations of the Achaemenid monuments, do always show free standing columns (von Gall, 1966, pp. 19-43; 1973, pp. 139-154; 1988, pp. 557-82; “Dokkān”); the exception is the tomb of Qizqapan, where half columns have been placed on the rear of the antechamber (von Gall, 1988, pl. 23).

But at many tombs in the Median province, the originally freestanding columns have collapsed under the pressure of the superimposed rock. Consequently, there was not only the esthetic reason of creating the illusion that the antechamber’s front side and back wall were on the same level. More important were statical considerations. The architects and sculptors of the royal tombs used engaged columns because they could withstand the rock pressure despite their high slender shape.

In the middle register, the mighty throne bench with its 30 armed carriers does not show a realistic scene, and is not considered pictorial evidence for the supposition of real processions on the roofs of Achaemenid palaces (Schmidt, p. 80). It rather is a simile of the Achaemenid empire, the throne bench of which is supported by its peoples, dressed in their distinctive costumes and headgears (Schmidt, pp. 108-118).

On the tombs of Darius I in Naqš-e Rostam and that of Artaxerxes II (r. 404-359 BCE) in Persepolis, inscriptions describe the peoples’ order, and this order seems to correspond with the official geographical records of the empire’s extension (Calmeyer, 1982, pp. 109-123). According to P. Goukowsky (p. 223; cf. Calmeyer, 1982, p. 113 fig. 3) the empire was divided in three concentric zones: Persians, Medians and Elamites live in the inner circle.

An axis is leading from the center to the east, listing Parthians, Arians, Bactrians, Sogdians, and Chorasmians. Then the enumeration turns southeast, naming Drangians, Arachosians, Sattagydians (Thataguš), Gandharans, and Indians and reaches Central Asia, where the haoma-venerating Scythians and pointed-hat Scythians already inhabit the periphery.

On a second axis leading to the south the Babylonians, Syrians, Arabians, and Egyptians (Mudraya) are aligned, whereas on a third axis to the northwest the Armenians, Cappadocians, Lydians (Sparda), and Ionians are represented. Finally in the western periphery there live the Scythians beyond the Sea, the Thracians (Skudra), and the Petasos bearing Ionians.

The Libyans (Putaya) and the Ethiopians (Kušiya) roam the empire’s southernmost countries. Two men stand outside the throne bench, and their hands help lifting the platform which is slightly elevated above the ground.

They are a Makan (Maka, i.e., Oman and probably also the region on the Persian side of the Gulf) and a Carian (Karka). P. Calmeyer (p. 120) has convincingly argued that their exceptional corner positions reflects that these two peoples inhabit the south and the west corners of the empire, at the shore of the ōkeanos which in antiquity was believed to flow around the inhabited earth (Gk. oikoumenē).

All men (Schmidt, figs. 39-50), with the exception of the Babylonian (ibid., fig. 50 no. 16), are wearing weapons, mostly daggers and swords, and some also pairs of javelins.

Bearing arms in the presence of the monarch was a sign of honor and trust, so that the unarmed Babylonian represents an act of deliberate humiliation.

Since Xerxes (r. 486-465 BCE) probably supervised the final work on the tomb of his father Darius I (Schmidt, pp. 116-18 part. 117), this humiliation is likely to reflect to repeated rebellions of the Babylonians against him as well as against his father.

The scene in the top register has religious significance. The king is standing on a three-stepped platform, his left resting on a bow, while his slightly lifted right hand points to the winged symbol hovering above the scene. Since the late 19th, early 20th century, the winged ensign with a human figure, emerging from a circle, has been understood as a representation of Ahura Mazdā (Root, pp. 169-79), and recent attempts to interpret this symbol as the royal genius Frawahr have been rejected.

The king faces a blazing fire altar, though he stands at a considerable distance, whilst the ensign of a disc with inscribed crescent is hovering in the upper right corner. In general, scholars agree that this scene shows how the king is worshipping the holy fire. But the gesture of the king’s right hand corresponds in all details with that of the right hand of the Ahura Mazdā symbol.

The representation thus stresses the close connection between the king and Ahura Mazdā, whose will is decisive for the king’s actions. This interpretation is supported by the Achaemenid royal inscriptions, which are directly related to the reliefs.

On tomb I, Darius I wears a headdress (Gk. kidaris) with an upper rim of sculptured stepped crenellations. Reliefs on the jambs of the southern doorway in Darius’s Palace (Tilia, pp. 58-59) indicate that this was the personal crown of Darius, which was also worn by Xerxes as long as he was crown prince (von Gall, 1974, pp. 147-51).

On Tomb II, which is ascribed to Xerxes, in the king’s crown the rest of a sculptured crenellation is visible (von Gall, 1974, pl. 134 no. 2; 1975 fig. 3), suggesting that this monument was completed before he became the absolute monarch (von Gall, 1974, p. 151). The representations of this late time show a straight cylindrical crown without any decoration. All succeeding rulers of the Achaemenid dynasty adopted this shape, allowing only minor deviations (von Gall, 1974, pp. 150-60; 1975, pp. 222-24).

Another invariable detail of the royal tombs is the discoid symbol hovering in the upper right corner. The inscribed crescent indicates its Assyrian origins. While it represents the moon god Sin in Assyrian art, on the Achaemenid tombs its meaning is difficult to comprehend. Opinions differ whether the symbol has to be interpreted as lunar or solar (cf. Root, pp. 177-78), and there are no written sources to corroborate either view. E. F. Schmidt (p. 85) interpreted the sign as a symbol of Mithra.

But the Persian moon god Māh is relatively well documented in the imagery of the Achaemenid seals. In the central panel above the fire altar scene of the rock tomb of Qizqapan, this type of moon god is also represented (von Gall, 1988, pp. 571-72). These images, in connection with other, though scanty, pictorial evidence (von Gall, 1988, p. 572 n. 55), suggest that the moon played a certain role in Achaemenid concepts of death and afterlife.

On the tomb of Darius, the framework of the throne bench shows three superimposed figures on each side. On the left, two dignitaries are inscribed as the lance bearer Gobryas (Gaubaruwa) and the bearer of the royal battle-ax Aspathines (Aspačina), while the lowest man is an unnamed guard (Schmidt, pp. 86-87). On the right, three unarmed men are clad in the long Persian garment. Their gesture of raising a part their upper garment to the mouth has been interpreted as an expression of mourning, comparable to the Greek custom (Schmidt, p. 87).

More recently, scholars have suggested that this gesture captures the imperative of ’do not pollute the holy fire’ (Hinz, p. 63 n. 4; cf. Seidl, p. 168) or shows respect for the king’s majesty (Root, p. 179), but both alternatives seem less convincing. Additional figures are on the side walls of the recesses into which the tomb facade was carved. On the left, there are three superimposed panels with guards holding long lances. On the right, three mourners who need be considered either courtiers or members of the royal family (Schmidt, p. 87) stand above each other.

Two larger cuneiform inscriptions, as well as legends with the names of Darius I, of his two supreme commanders, and of the 30 bearers of the throne bench, are found in the facade of Tomb I. One is in the top register, to the left of the king (DNa), and the other (DNb) stands in the architectural register, on three of the five panels between the half columns of the portico.

Both are written in three languages, but DNa in Old Persian, Elamite, and Babylonian (Weissbach, pp. 86-91), and DNb in Old Persian, Elamite and Akkadian (Hinz, pp. 52-62 including R. Borger’s edition of the Akkadian version). In the Seleucid period, an Aramaic version was added to DNb below the Elamite text (Frye, 1982).

In stark contrast to the rich architectural decoration of the façade, the interior is bare of any architectural and figural elements. The general layout is also best demonstrated with the tomb of Darius I: A long vestibule is running parallel to the facade, and three doors in the back wall of this vestibule are leading to three separate barrel-vaulted tomb chambers. In each tomb chamber, a trough-like cavity was hewn into the solid rock to hold a probably wooden sarcophagus or klinē. These cists were sealed with monolithic lids after the deposition of the corpses, but nothing has remained of the original interments.

The combination of an oblique corridor and burial chambers with cists was preserved in the other three tombs, assigned to Xerxes (Tomb II), Artaxerxes (Tomb III), and Darius II (Tomb IV).

Yet they show inferior craftsmanship, because the chambers are not running axially, but obliquely to the facade. At Persepolis, the interior organization of the two tombs is also identical.

(3) Other architectural remains. In the Center Test of his 1936 and 1939 excavations, E. F. Schmidt found a building (Schmidt, pp. 10 and 64). In the West Test, he discovered remains of two mud-brick buildings, as well as evidence of an enclosure of the royal tombs (ibid., pp. 10, 54-55). In the west of the cliff, a polygonal cistern (diam. 7.20 m) hewn out from the native rock was excavated (ibid., pp. 10, 65).

The Sasanian Period. A fortified enclosure ran around the major part of the sculptured cliff, and its west and east ends were abutting with the rock. Seven semicircular towers strengthened this structure (Schmidt, pp. 55-58, figs. 2, 4; cf. Trümpelmann, p. 41, fig. 68, drawing by G. Wolff). On the slope of the Hosayn Kuh, there are two cut rock structures in the shape of a čahārṭāq. They are generally assumed to be Sasanian fire altars, but D. Huff (1998, p. 80 pl. 10a; “Fārs,” pp. 353-54 pl. 3) identifies them as astōdāns.

Τις βιβλιογραφικές παραπομπές μπορείτε να βρείτε εδώ:

http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/naqs-e-rostam

Η νίκη του Σαπούρ Α’ επί των Ρωμαίων Αυτοκρατόρων Βαλεριανού (γονατιστού) και Φίλιππου του Άραβα

Επιπλέον:

Γενικά για τα μνημεία και τις επιγραφές:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Naqsh-e_Rostam

ttps://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Накше-Рустам

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tomb_of_Darius_the_Great

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/DNa_inscription

Τα κείμενα των επιγραφών, φωτοτυπίες, μεταγραμματισμός κι αγγλική μετάφραση:

https://www.livius.org/sources/content/achaemenid-royal-inscriptions/

https://www.livius.org/sources/content/achaemenid-royal-inscriptions/dna/?

https://www.livius.org/sources/content/achaemenid-royal-inscriptions/dnb/

https://www.livius.org/sources/content/achaemenid-royal-inscriptions/dne/

https://www.livius.org/articles/place/naqs-e-rustam/

Το Ιερό του Ζωροάστρη:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ka%27ba-ye_Zartosht

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kartir

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kartir%27s_inscription_at_Naghsh-e_Rajab

Σχετικά με τον Σαπούρ Α’, τον Φίλιππο Άραβα, τον Βαλεριανό και την Μάχη της Έδεσσας της Οσροηνής (260 μ.Χ.)

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shapur_I

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valerian_(emperor)

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Edessa

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_the_Arab

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cameo_with_Valerian_and_Shapur_I

Η ταπείνωση και αιχμαλωσία του Ρωμαίου Αυτοκράτορα Βαλεριανού από τον Σαπούρ Α’ όπως αναπαριστάθηκε σε πίνακα του 16ου αιώνα από τον Γερμανό ζωγράφο Hans Holbein der Jüngere (Hans Holbein the Younger) – 1521. Ο καλλιτέχνης δεν είχε υπόψει του το σασανιδικό ανάγλυφο του Ναξ-ε Ρουστάμ και κανένας Ευρωπαίος ταξιδιώτης, έμπορος, διπλωμάτης ή ερευνητής δεν είχε φθάσει ακόμη εκεί αλλά οι Ευρωπαίοι διετήρησαν πολύ αρνητικές αναμνήσεις από τον Βαλεριανό, δεδομένου ότι ο Ρωμαίος αυτοκράτορας είχε κηρύξει διωγμούς κατά των Χριστιανών και Χριστιανοί συγγραφείς είχαν δικαιολογημένα χαρεί από το ελεεινό τέλος του Βαλεριανού που μάλιστα περιέγραψαν ως πολύ χειρότερο από το ιστορικά τεκμηριωμένο τέλος του.

Το περίφημο καμέο του Σαπούρ Α’ νικητή στην Έδεσσα της Οσροηνής (Ούρχα, σήμερα Ούρφα στην νοτιοανατολική Τουρκία) επί του Ρωμαίου αυτοκράτορα Βαλεριανού που αιχμαλωτίστηκε.

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Κατεβάστε την αναδημοσίευση σε PDF:

https://www.slideshare.net/MuhammadShamsaddinMe/240270

https://issuu.com/megalommatis/docs/_-_fdcde1b109b965

https://vk.com/doc429864789_619827582

https://www.docdroid.net/tIpNqbY/naks-e-roystam-stauroskhimoi-laksefti-tafoi-ton-akhaimenidwn-anaghlifo-toy-balerianou-aikhmalotoy-romaioy-autokratora-gonatistou-p-pdf

Η Ζωή στο Λορεστάν και οι Λορί του Μέσου Ζάγρου, της Οροσειράς που χωρίζει Ιράκ και Ιράν

Η Ζωή στο Λορεστάν και οι Λορί του Μέσου Ζάγρου, της Οροσειράς που χωρίζει Ιράκ και Ιράν

Life in Luristan, and the Luris of Middle Zagros, the Mountains that separate Iraq and Iran

ΑΝΑΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΣΗΜΕΡΑ ΑΝΕΝΕΡΓΟ ΜΠΛΟΓΚ “ΟΙ ΡΩΜΙΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ”

Το κείμενο του κ. Νίκου Μπαϋρακτάρη είχε αρχικά δημοσιευθεί την 26 Αυγούστου 2019.

Αναπαράγοντας στοιχεία από ομιλία μου στο Καζακστάν τον Ιανουάριο του 2019, ο κ. Μπαϋρακτάρης αποδεικνύει με το εκλαϊκευτικό κείμενό του αυτό ότι, αρκεί να παρουσιάσει αντικειμενικά και συστηματικά κάποιος τους κατά τόπους λαούς και έθνη του Ζάγρου, του Αντιταύρου, της βόρειας Μεσοποταμίας και της ανατολικής Ανατολίας (Doğu Anadolu), για να αποδείξει αυτόματα ότι δεν υπάρχουν "Κούρδοι" αλλά πολλά και μεταξύ τους πολύ διαφορετικά έθνη, τα οποία παρουσιάζονται διεθνώς ως δήθεν ένα - μόνον από τους άθλιους πολιτικούς και ακαδημαϊκούς γκάνγκστερς των αποικιοκρατικών χωρών (Γαλλία, Αγγλία, ΗΠΑ, Καναδάς, Αυστραλία, Ολλανδία, Ισραήλ) και τα κατά τόπους όργανά τους, με σκοπό την δημιουργία ενός ψευδοκράτους μέσα στο οποίο τα διαφορετικά μεταξύ τους αυτά έθνη θα σφάζονται εσαεί και μάλιστα χειρότερα από οπουδήποτε αλλού.

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https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2019/08/26/η-ζωή-στο-λορεστάν-και-οι-λορί-του-μέσου/ ============

Οι Ρωμιοί της Ανατολής – Greeks of the Orient

Ρωμιοσύνη, Ρωμανία, Ανατολική Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία

Μια περιοχή που αξίζει να περιηγηθείτε από χωριό σε χωριό για ένα μήνα τουλάχιστον και να γνωρίσετε από κοντά τα ήθη και τα έθιμα, τις παραδόσεις και τις δοξασίες των γηγενών Λορί είναι το Λορεστάν, μια ορεινή επαρχία του δυτικού Ιράν σχεδόν πάνω στα σύνορα με το Ιράκ.

Στα λαγκάδια θα είστε στα 700-1200 μ και οι βουνοκορφές τριγύρω θα ξεπερνούν τα 2500-3500 μ.

Οι Λορί είναι ένα αρχαίο ιρανικό φύλο που διατήρησε πάντοτε την ιδιαιτερότητά του και την ταυτότητά του μέσα στο Ιράν, ζώντας κοντά στους Λακί και στους Μπαχτιαρί (ακόμη πιο νοτιοανατολικά στον Ζάγρο), στους Πέρσες (στα νότια τμήματα του ιρανικού οροπεδίου), στους Φαΐλι και στους Γκοράνι (πιο βόρεια στον Ζάγρο), στους Αζέρους (στα βόρεια-βορειοδυτικά τμήματα του ιρανικού οροπεδίου), στους Τουρκμένους και στα άλλα έθνη του Ιράν.

Κατοίκηση στα σημεία αυτά πάει πολύ παλιά λόγω της σχετικής εγγύτητας με την Μεσοποταμία, όπου ξεκίνησε ο ανθρώπινος πολιτισμός.

Με το που κατεβεί κάποιος από τα βουνά προς την πεδιάδα στα δυτικά βρίσκεται στην Κεντρική Μεσοποταμία. Τα χάλκινα αγάλματα του Λορεστάν (πρώτο μισό της πρώτης προχριστιανικής χιλιετίας) αποτελούν κεντρικό κεφάλαιο της Προϊστορίας της ευρύτερης περιοχής.

Οι Λορί (ή και Λουρί) είναι στην πλειοψηφία τους σιίτες μουσουλμάνοι αλλά στο Λορεστάν (ή και Λουριστάν) υπάρχουν και πιστοί άλλων θρησκειών, όπως οι Γιαρσανί (επίσης γνωστοί και ως Αχλ-ε Χακ), μια από τις πολλές θρησκείες του ευρύτερου χώρου ανάμεσα στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο και την Κεντρική Ασία που είναι άγνωστες στον περισσότερο κόσμο.

Οι Λορί έχουν τρομερή προσήλωση στις παραδόσεις τους και ακόμη και ανάμεσα στους σιίτες Λορί κυριαρχούν προϊσλαμικές δοξασίες που δημιουργούν συχνά-πυκνά πρόβλημα στις άτεγκτες κι αλύγιστες ηγεσίες των θρησκευτικών ηγετών του Ιράν.

Δεν κάνω λόγο για την Ισλαμική Δημοκρατία που εγκαινιάστηκε το 1979 με την αποχώρηση του ψευτο-σάχη και την επιστροφή του Χομεϊνί.

Ήδη στις αρχές του 19ου αιώνα, στα χρόνια δηλαδή της τουρκμενικής δυναστείας Κατζάρ του Ιράν, οι Λορί είχαν τόσο απομακρυνθεί από την σιιτική ισλαμική ορθοδοξία που οι ιρανικές αρχές ζήτησαν από τους Οθωμανούς να στείλουν από την Κερμπαλά της Νότιας Μεσοποταμίας (καίριο σιιτικό ιερό) ένα θεολόγο για να …. κηρύξει το (σιιτικό) Ισλάμ στους Λορί!!!

Χορός ντασμάλ-μπαζί στο Μαμασανί

Η ζωή των Λορί είναι ταυτισμένη με τον ετήσιο κύκλο και συνυφασμένη με την εναλλαγή των εποχών: οι γεωργικές και κτηνοτροφικές απασχολήσεις τηρούνται κατά τον πατροπαράδοτο τρόπο και κανένας νεωτερισμός δεν μπαίνει στα χωριά των Λορί όπου ο παγερός χειμώνας σημαίνει ζωή γύρω από την εστία, αφηγήσεις παραμυθιών για τα παιδιά, και για τους μεγαλύτερους διάβασμα του Κορανίου (ή διάβασμα του Καλάμ-ε Σαραν-ντζάν / کلام سرانجام για τους Γιαρσανί).

Οι Λορί δεν έχουν καμμιά διάθεση για να αποσχισθούν ή να σχηματίσουν ένα ανεξάρτητο κράτος παρά τις επίμονες προσπάθειες της ΣΙΑ, της Μοσάντ του Ισραήλ και άλλων μυστικών υπηρεσιών να τους πείσουν ότι είναι ‘Κούρδοι’ και ότι πρέπει να έχουν ‘το δικό τους κράτος’.

Ούτε οι Λορί, ούτε οι Λακί, ούτε οι Γιαρσανί, ούτε οι Γκοράνι δέχονται το ψεύτικο παραμύθι των ‘Κούρδων’, ενός ψευτο-έθνους παρασκευασμένου από μυστικές υπηρεσίες χωρών που μισούν την ευρύτερη περιοχή και θέλουν να την βουλιάξουν σε ατελείωτους πολέμους.

Πως οι Λορί καταλαβαίνουν ότι δεν πρέπει να πιστέψουν τα λόγια των άθλιων τεράτων του Ισραήλ, των ΗΠΑ, της Αγγλίας και της Γαλλίας;

Πως οι Λορί θυμούνται ότι στα αραβικά η λέξη Ακράντ στον πληθυντικό (: ‘Κούρδοι’) δεν σημαίνει ένα συγκεκριμένο έθνος αλλά πολλά και διαφορετικά έθνη που κατοικούν στα βουνά (‘Τζεμπάλ’);

Γιατί οι Σοράνι της Σουλεϋμανίγιε (στο Ιράκ) και οι Κουρμάντζι του Ντιγιάρμπακιρ (στην Τουρκία) ξέχασαν τις αλήθειες που ξέρουν, κατανοούν και τηρούν ακόμη οι Λορί, κι έτσι οι ηγεσίες τους ξεπουλήθηκαν στους εγκληματίες σατανιστές της Δύσης;

Η απάντηση σε όλα αυτά τα ερωτήματα είναι μία και απλή. Δεν έχει να κάνει με την πολιτική, γιατί πολιτική δεν υπάρχει: είναι ένα ψέμμα που οι προπαγανδιστές του εμφανίζουν ως τάχα πραγματικό, ενώ στην πραγματικότητα αυτό που αποκαλείται ‘πολιτική’ είναι η υλοποίηση μιας πρότερον ανύπαρκτης διαστροφής που την υλοποιούν μόνον τα θύματά της, δηλαδή οι ανεγκέφαλοι που αποδέχονται το ψέμμα.

Στο Λορεστάν δεν υπάρχει καμμιά πολιτική κι οι Λορί δεν θέλουν καμμιά πολιτική.

Ποια είναι η απάντηση;

Η ζωή στο χωριό και κοντά στην φύση, χωρίς τον σύγχρονο ανθρωποκτονικό ‘τεχνολογικό πολιτισμό’ είναι υγεία για το σώμα και το μυαλό.

Οπότε, οι χωρικοί κι οι αγρότες του Λορεστάν, επειδή είναι υγιείς, αντιλαμβάνονται τι είναι αλήθεια και τι είναι ψέμμα πολύ πιο εύκολα από ένα άρρωστο, σάπιο κάτοικο μεγαλουπόλεων.

Το πιθανώτερο να σας συμβεί, αν ζείτε σε μια μεγαλούπολη, είναι να πιστέψετε τα ψέμματα που σας λένε και να δείτε τον κόσμο και την ζωή πολύ στραβά, την Ιστορία ανάποδα και με ρατσιστικούς φακούς, και την καθημερινότητα ως την ‘ζωή εν τάφω’ που ζείτε εκεί.

Τα δηλητήρια που τρώτε και πίνετε στις μεγαλουπόλεις, ο μολυσμένος αέρας που αναπνέετε, κι η αποκοπή σας από την φύση αποτελούν πιστοποιητικό αποβλάκωσης και προσαρμογής στα ψέμματα που σας λένε όλοι εκεί.

Αν θα πηγαίνατε να ζήσετε στο Λορεστάν, θα ήταν ο πιο άφθαστος Παράδεισος για σας.

Δείτε το βίντεο:

Лурестан, Луры и их традиционная музыка – Luristan, Luris and their Traditional Music

https://www.ok.ru/video/1488355527277

Лурестан, Луры, их музыка и повседневная жизнь

https://vk.com/video434648441_456240280

Luristan, Luris and their Traditional Music – Λορεστάν, οι Λορί και η Παραδοσιακή Μουσική τους

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Αρχαιότητες του πρώτου μισού της πρώτης προχριστιανικής χιλιετίας από το Λορεστάν

Οι χρυσές προσωπίδες του Σπηλαίου Καλμακαρέχ, όχι μακριά από την πόλη Πολ-ε Ντοχτάρ, στο Λορεστάν

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Διαβάστε:

Luristan

v. Religion, Rituals, and Popular Beliefs

The official religion

Since the accession of the first Safavid shah (1502), the official religion in Iran has been the Eṯnā-ʿašariya (Twelver) Shiʿism, one of the two main branches of Islam. A noteworthy point in this context is that the Lur society has been living within the framework of Islam, but under conditions and circumstances that encouraged rather than restricted a free display of popular traditions, such as the cult of local shrines, emāmzādas (descendants of the Shiʿite imams), and other sects, especially the Ahl-e Ḥaqq, as well as many aspects of supernaturalism.

In areas where people did not speak or understand Arabic, or were mostly illiterate, as among the nomads of Luristan, the declaration of faith and especially performance of different prayers, were bound to take on a much more ritualistic value. Here, the need for oral interpretation and explanation of the orthodox faith was necessary if a completely unrestricted and free display of the popular beliefs and customs were to be avoided.

Thus, at the beginning of the 19th century during the governorship of Prince Moḥammad-ʿAli Mirzā, the Lurs had gone so far astray from the orthodox path that a preacher of the higher religious classes, a mojtahed, was brought in from Karbala in order to “convert” the tribes back to Islam (cf. Rabino, p. 24; Minorsky, 1978, p. 823).

It is uncertain to what degree this attempt was successful, but it is known that there was not normally any direct, authoritative, and powerful institution which could secure and defend the official and orthodox faith and conceptions in Luristan.

Almost all the writers who have dealt with this theme, except Cecil John Edmonds (1922, p. 341), are unanimous in the view that the Lurs, although outwardly professing Islam, have had only a faint idea of the orthodox religion and to a large degree have been indifferent to the Islamic doctrines, while at the same time they have indulged in superstitious rites and have deep veneration for local pirs (spiritual masters) and prophets.

Consequently, it is difficult to describe the impact of religion on the nomadic society of Luristan, where religious notions had become an integral part of life to such an extent that life itself, especially the modus vivendi of the nomads, was one big, yearly, revolving ritual, spaced by recurring seasons, migrations, births, festivals, and deaths.

What a spectator might want to call the “religious” aspects had simply ceased to be perceived as anything separate or to hold any aspect of apartness for the nomads, a circumstance, which also means that any specific questions about “religion” are poorly understood, because religion in Luristan was an unconsciously integrated part of the cycle of life (Demant Mortensen, 2010, p. 12 ff.).

Ahl-e Ḥaqq

Although most Lurs officially adhere to Twelver Shiʿism, with a sprinkling of Sunni Muslims, some adherents of the Ahl-e Ḥaqq (People of the [absolute] Truth) sect are found among the Lur and the Kurdish populations. Ahl-e Ḥaqq are often referred to in the literature as ʿAli-Elāhi or ʿAli-Allāhi (Minorsky, 1964, p. 306) and as having their roots in the heartland of Luristan.

There has been no central, uniform organization and no canonical scripture among the Ahl-e Ḥaqq, which has been traced within numerous tribal, ethnic, religious, and social groups. The cradle of the sect is definitely the area occupied by the Gurānis, which is now divided between the Iraqi and the Iranian Kurdistan, and also including some tribes of northern Luristan, for instance, the Delfān (Minorsky, 1964, p. 314; Halm, p. 635).

Some authors refer to the Selsela and Delfān groups as originally being ʿAli-Elāhis, but also to the Sagvand and Pāpi tribes as being followers of this “secret religion” (Field, I, pp. 173-84; Minorsky, 1978, p. 823). In this context it is interesting that one of the subtribes of the Delfān confederation, the Chuwari, mentioned by Rawlinson (p. 107) as spending the winters in Holaylān and Kuhdašt and the summers in the plain of Ḵāva, is described by Freya Stark as “heretics”: “…these are Ali-Ilahis” (Stark, 1947, p. 34).

The religious literature of the sect is mainly written in Gurāni, and two important shrines of the sect, the tombs of Bābā Yādgār in Zohab and of Solṭān Esḥāq (Sahhāk, Ṣohāk) in Perdivar, are both located in Gurān territory. The central dogma of the Ahl-e Ḥaqq is the belief in seven successive manifestations or incarnations of the divinity.

These incarnations are compared to garments put on by the godhead (cf. the table in Minorsky, 1964, p. 307). The legends about Shah Ḵošin (or Bābā Ḵošin), one of the seven incarnations of the divinity (haftvāna), take place in Luristan and seem to represent an early phase in the development of the doctrine. Each manifestation is accompanied by a retinue of four helper angels. The name of one of those is Bābā Bozorg.

Another of the angels of Bābā Ḵošin is the local saint and Sufi poet of Hamadan, Bābā Ṭāher. Apart from the “Four Angels,” several other groups of saints are worshipped by Ahl-e Ḥaqq (Minorsky, 1964, pp. 306-16; Edmonds, 1969, pp. 89-101; Gabriel, pp. 125-28; Halm, pp. 635-37; see Ṣafizāda, pp. 17-18, 65-68, 74-78, 85-86, 101-15, 127-32).

The sect of the Ahl-e Ḥaqq was originally referred to by the European travelers of the 19th century and first of all by John Kinneir (p. 141). He reports with alacrity the information he has received about nocturnal festivals in the course of which “the garments of the fair sex” at a certain point are thrown into a heap and jumbled together.

This done, the lights are put out and the clothes distributed among the men present. The candles are then re-lighted. He explains that it is a rule of the society “that the lady must patiently submit to the embrace of the person who has become possessed of her dress, whether father, son, husband, or brother.”

When the lights have been put out once again, “the whole of the licentious tribe pass the remainder of the night in the indulgence of the most promiscuous lust.” Obviously, a scandalous and exiting account like this was bound to create some interest at the time. Henry Rawlinson was the first to pass on somewhat more reliable information (Rawlinson, pp. 52-95, 110), and as the regiment he commanded on the march from Zohab was in fact Gurāni, most of his men in all probability were adherents of Ahl-e Ḥaqq.

An especially noteworthy ceremony or institution is an initiation rite called sar-sepordan (the entrustment of the head; total commitment), in which the neophyte links himself to a spiritual master (pir). As a sign of this, a nutmeg is broken as a substitute for the head (Ṣafizāda, pp. 19-20).

Other sacrifices, raw and cooked, bloody and bloodless, derived from dervish practices also occur, and during these sessions burning coals are sometimes handled and stepped upon. Rites of the Ahl-e Ḥaqq also include assemblies (jam) with women participation, in which music is played and could easily account for the extraordinary interpretation brought forward by Kinneir (quoted above), and also for the nickname of “extinguishers of light” (čerāḡ söndüren) given by outsiders to the adherents of the sect (Minorsky, 1964, pp. 308-9).

The religion of the shrine

In an article concerned with the function of religion in (contemporary) Iranian society, Brian Spooner has made a useful distinction between what he calls “the religion of the mosque” and “the religion of the shrine” (Spooner, 1963, pp. 83-95). “The religion of the mosque” roughly corresponds to the official, literate religion, whereas “the religion of the shrine” is characterized by a hierarchy from the ordinary person through holy men, the imāms, and prophets, to God.

In rural districts like Luristan, where “the religion of the shrine” was practiced, a mollā (cleric) or a ṭalaba (theological student) might pay a visit during the months of special religious significance. If there was no resident mollā, there might be a dervish, a doʿānevis or Qorʾānḵˇān. There is often something mysterious about a dervish that seems to attract the attention of ordinary men, but a dervish has no specific religious function in the society.

The doʿānevis writes doʿās (invocation to God), which are a very popular commodity in rural Persia; and the Qorʾānḵvān, although often illiterate, is able to chant passages from the Qur’an at funerals; he also sometimes washes the dead (Spooner, 1963, p. 85).

Among the nomads and in the villages there are often quasi-religious persons or individuals attributed with certain religious qualities; they are either the descendants of the Prophet (sayyed) or people with the epithet Ḥāji, Karbalāʾi, or Mašhadi, signifying persons who have completed the pilgrimage to Mecca, Karbala, or Mashhad.

The presence of such persons among the tribes of Luristan is attested by the inscriptions at tombstones from cemeteries in northern Luristan (Demant Mortensen, 2010, pp. 93 ff.). The descendants of the Prophet have no special religious function, but their sheer presence is a reminder of Moḥammad, to whom they are considered to be nearer and dearer than ordinary people, and thus they are also a memento of Islam in general.

Moreover, they are believed to possess at least a minimum of baraka (blessing, divine grace), and they may be preferred by ordinary people for ceremonies intended to ward off the evil eye in which there is a widespread belief in most of the Near East (Donaldson, pp. 117 ff.; Kriss and Kriss-Heinrich, II, passim; Spooner, 1976, pp. 76-84).

It goes almost without saying that Moḥammad and his descendants are believed to be especially endowed with baraka, and they may in their turn communicate some of it to ordinary people. A special feature is that baraka does not cease to exist or to be active at the death of a person. On the contrary, to deceased persons is attributed a very powerful baraka. This may help to explain the great significance placed by the Shiʿites on the pilgrimage to tombs and emamzādas and the extraordinary measures taken to be buried near a holy tomb (Demant Mortensen, 1993, pp. 121, 125).

Shrines and emāmzādas

Until recently there were no mosques in Luristan outside the few towns (cf. the distribution map in Kleiss, opp. p. 66). On the other hand, the tombs of local pirs and saints, the emāmzādas, are frequently seen in the landscape. They are the focus of a lot of attention and also of pilgrimage. The word emāmzāda may signify an individual as well as the shrine dedicated to him, in the same way as pir or piri (elder or holy) may be used about a person or his tomb.

The actual structure of a shrine, whether of an emāmzāda or otherwise, may range in size from anything comparable to a tiny house to a larger mosque. It is often square, whitewashed, with a domed roof and with or without a courtyard and a cemetery around it. In the center of the building is the tomb or cenotaph, as the case may be, which is the focal point of attention. It represents the deceased person and is considered full of his baraka.

A number of shrines and emāmzādas are mentioned in the literature, but often just in passing (e.g., by Rawlinson; Stein; Edmonds, 1969; Minorsky, 1978; Haerinck and Overlaet; Demant Mortensen, 2010). The better known include Emāmzāda Šāhzāda Aḥmad, Emāmzāda Šāhzāda Moḥammed (or Solṭān Maḥmud), and Emāmzāda Solṭān Ebrāhim (or Bābā Bozorg), all alleged to be brothers of the eighth Imam (cf. Demant Mortensen, 2010, p. 21, n. 29; personal information from Khan ʿAbd-al-Ḥosayn Pur Abuḵadora, Hulian, 1974).

According to Rawlinson, they are all included among the Haft-tan “Seven [dervishes]” by the Ahl-e Ḥaqq, and that is why they are of great sanctity (Rawlinson, p. 95; Edmonds, 1969, p. 89; Ṣafizāda, pp. 144-45, 147-48, 203-4).

Emāmzāda Šāhzāda Aḥmad is situated in Bālā Gariva, about 60 km south of Khorramabad, midway between Khorramabad and Dezful. Referring to this shrine, Edmonds recalls that one day he had a visit by four men wearing red turbans.

A red turban is unique in Persia, at least in the western and central provinces, and is worn only by the guardians of Šāhzāda Aḥmad, the holiest shrine in Bālā Gariva (Demant Mottensen, 1993, Pl. 6.58; Izadpanāh, pp. 16-18). The red-turbaned guardians are known as the pāpi, but do not seem to be connected with the tribe of the same name (Edmonds, 1969, p. 354); however, Carl Feilberg, who has made a special study of this particular tribe, has several interesting and curious details to add (Feilberg, pp. 144-53).

For instance, he states that there are no adherents of the Ahl-e Ḥaqq among the Pāpi, “who find them very bad mannered” (Feilberg, pp. 152-53). Minorsky, on the contrary, states that the Sagvand and Pāpi tribes are the followers of this “secret religion” (Minorsky, 1978, p. 823). Feilberg also mentions the red turbans of the guardians and supplies the information that a visit to the Emāmzāda Šāhzāda Aḥmad is known to be particularly helpful to infertile women.

Not far from Emāmzāda Šāhzāda Aḥmad was another shrine, the Emāmzāda Pir Mār (Saint Snake) also of great sanctity. The saint was supposed to have been able to cure the bite of all venomous snakes, a power his descendants apparently had inherited (Rawlinson, p. 96).

The Emāmzāda Šāhzāda Moḥammad in the Holaylān valley is mentioned by Edmonds (1922, p. 451) as being a “pretentious building” with a great reputation for sanctity in the district and having a colony of sayyeds living in tents and huts around it. Various notables have contributed various parts, such as the bath and a golden ball over the dome.

Aurel Stein (p. 242) refers to it as “the conspicuous new shrine marking the supposed resting place of Imamzadeh Shah-zadeh Muhammad, a much frequented place for pilgrimage for Lurs, with a clusted of Saiyid’s dwellings” (cf. also Edelberg, p. 379; Demant Mortensen, 1993, pp. 128-29, Pls. 6.59-61).

The shrine of Solṭān Ebrāhim, worshipped throughout Luristan under the name of Bābā Bozorg, is mentioned by Rawlinson (p. 100), who says that the tomb is situated on the northeastern face of the plain of Ḵāwa. He adds that this is “the most holy spot in Luristan; for the common Lurs have no idea of religion farther than the worship of this their national saint.” Stein (p. 302) confirms the position and calls it a “much frequented place for pilgrimage” (see also Izadpanāh, pp. 310-11 and Pls. 28-29 on pp. 344-45).

The person said to be buried in an emāmzāda is often of a rather nebulous origin or descent, and quite often the same person is said to be buried, and is worshipped, in several different places.

One example of this is in Luristan near Širvān, where the tomb of ʿAbbās b. ʿAli, the half brother of the Shiʿite Imams Ḥasan and Ḥosayn, is considered to be of great sanctity and receives much attention. People from all over Luristan go here on pilgrimage, although ʿAbbās b. ʿAli also is supposed to be buried at Karbala in Iraq (Rawlinson, p. 56).

The most important point is, however, that it is advisable to visit these graves, because honoring an emāmzāda almost amounts to honoring the Imam himself, which by implication ultimately means honoring God, and this will hopefully lead to His intercession on the Day of Judgement.

In many cases the purpose of a visit to a shrine or an emāmzāda is to ask the granting of certain wishes or requests. The means of obtaining this goal are various and ingenious. Like the Kaʿba in Mecca, the tomb will often be covered by a cloth or surrounded by a latticework, which will be kissed. This is considered as a way of mollifying the emāmzāda and is not just a pious gesture.

It is important to get in contact with the baraka of the person resting there. This may be achieved by touching something in the place, by rubbing oneself with the oil that has been deposited as a gift by previous pilgrims and has now accumulated some of the baraka, or by leaving behind one’s rosary (tasbiḥ) to be charged with baraka and collected at a later time.

When visiting an emāmzāda, it is not unusual to bring along presents, for example, candles, oil, foodstuffs, or even live animals to be sacrificed on the spot. What was originally intended as a votive offering—to the holy personage supposedly interred there—at the present time more often ends up as a present for the warden of the place. In any case, it has now become more customary not to bring anything until the wish has been fulfilled.

This rather pragmatic change from “I offer Thee this, and please may I have” to “If You grant me this, I will give You that” attitude, secures a minimum of waste and disappointment on both sides (Demant Mortensen, 2010, p. 21).

In Luristan people also seek out the shrines and emāmzādas for a number of other reasons, including oath-taking in legal cases, seeking cures for ailments, both physical and mental (Fazel, p. 234), pilgrimage, and the festivities at the end of Ramazan, the ʿid al-feṭr, and the processions and performances of the passion play (taʿzia) during the first ten days of Moḥarram in commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Ḥosayn and his family at Karbala in 680 CE (cf. Chelkowsky; Demant Mortensen, 1991).

Moḥarram processions and the taʿzia

In Iran, Moḥarram processions and recitations existed side by side for about 250 years, and both became more and more complex and refined, until the middle of the 18th century, by which time they were fused (Chelkowski, pp. 4 ff.). The result was a new dramatic form called taʿzia-ḵvāni or just taʿzia, in which the siege of Karbala was still the core, but as time went by, separate plays around individual heroes were also developed.

The taʿzia thus is a compromise between the moving procession and the stationary recitation, and as such it was first staged at open squares or street intersections but soon moved into the courtyards of bazaars, caravansaries, emāmzādas, or even private houses.

Each of the first ten days of Moḥarram featured its own special event commemorating the suffering of Imam Ḥosayn and his party, culminating with the big processions of the 10th of Moḥarram, the Āšurāʾ, as a conclusion (see, e.g., Massé, pp. 122 ff., tr. pp. 117 ff.).

An Āšurāʾ procession might consist of several groups following hard on the heels of each other and all acting some part of the tragedy at Karbala. For example, riderless, saddled horses illustrate in the funeral procession the horses of the martyrs who are now dead.

In the case of only one riderless horse in the procession, it signifies Imam Ḥosayn’s horse (Ḏu’l-janāḥ). Often there will be fastened to the saddle some objects emblematical of Imam Ḥosayn (e.g., see Kippenberg, figs. 1-4). When the riderless horses are brought forward in the funeral procession, it is a sign that the illustrious owners are now dead, and a great moan from the crowd watching goes up in the air.

There may be flags carried along, with the names of Ḥosayn and other martyrs embroidered on them, and banners (ʿalam) representing in the towns different quarters or guilds, and in the country different emāmzādas. There may also be long sticks or poles (kotol) hung with pieces of cloth and surmounted by a metal hand (panja).

The open hand (which is identified by the Sunnites as the hand of Fāṭema and is used as an amulet to ward off the evil eye) bears a quite different meaning for the Shiʿites. In the Moḥarram processions, it commemorates the fact that at Karbala Ḥosayn and his companions were prevented from drawing water, and when ʿAbbās, Ḥosayn’s half brother, tried to fetch some water from the river, his hands were cut off by the enemy. ʿAbbās then tried to hold the gourd between his teeth, but it was immediately pierced by an arrow.

Everybody gets the message instantly when the water-sellers at the Moḥarram processions carry a gourd and cry: “Drink to the memory of the martyr of Karbala!” Many other incidents were commemorated in this way, and groups representing the martyrs with, for example, limbs amputated, an axe sunk into the body, arrows sticking out everywhere, all combine to create the most perfect illusion of reality.

Usually there would be a man or a boy disguised as a lion, covering the supposed body of Imam Ḥosayn in the procession or at the taʿzia, and representing the miraculous lion that is reported to have kept watch on Imam Ḥosayn’s body and protected it from further profanation after the massacre at Karbala (see below).

Around 1930 the taʿzia was banned by the government for socio-political reasons, but, a renewed interest in it was raised during the post-World War II period (Chelkowsky, pp.. 262 ff.). It lived on in distant villages and isolated areas such as Luristan, but due to the lack of written sources it is not possible to know with any certainty to what extent the Moḥarram rites were celebrated in Luristan over the last 200 years.

However, a few people who have been in Luristan for longer periods of time have left descriptions that might suggest that the tradition was kept alive all along. For instance, Arnold Wilson relates how the evenings during a stay with a local khan were spent, listening to a blind storyteller, who was an inexhaustible source of local politics and history, Lur songs, and extracts from the Šāh-nāma of Ferdowsi, holding the listeners around the fire spellbound for hours by the dramatic modulations of his voice (Wilson, pp. 63-65).

He was succeeded by a sayyed, who first conducted the assembly in prayer and then followed with “a prose narrative of the sad fate of the patron saint of Persia, the martyred Husain, which reduced many of the audience to genuine tears, though it is not yet the month (Muharram) in which his death is called to mind” (Wilson, p. 64).

Carl Feilberg (pp. 144-46) remarks that there is a queer, agitated feeling in the air during Moḥarram, which is more noticeable or conspicuous since there are not many signs of religious fanaticism, but rather a certain degree of tolerance. On the occasion of the “Ḥosayn festival, mollās bring forth banners (ʿalam) from an emāmzāda.

The people circle around the banners, the poles of which are covered in red cloth, while they sing and beat their breast three times, and take their heads in their hands repeatedly. Someone reads the story of Ḥosayn from one end to the other, if possible every hour of the day. A man with a sword is excited to the point of cutting his head. Pieces of cloth are hanging down from banners. Every time someone pays a few coins to the mollā, he receives a shred of the cloth.”

Another observation was made inside the Emāmzāda Šāhzāda Moḥammad in the Holaylān Valley in 1963 (Demant Mortensen, 2010, p. 29). People had come from far away and assembled in the courtyard of the emāmzāda, where on the 8th day of Moḥarram a taʿzia was being performed for hours on end, continuing into the night of the Āšurāʾ. Earlier a procession of flagellants went across the valley floor, from tent camp to tent camp, which at that time of the year (June) was spread over the plain.

These few examples will suffice to show how important aspects of the religion were being taught by illustration and performance among the nomadic population of Luristan. The mental images evoked at a Moḥarram procession, at a rawża-ḵvāni (mourning ritual commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Ḥosayn) or a taʿzia performance are so strong and potent that this kind of “illiterate religion,” as it might conveniently be termed, adds another dimension to the metaphor phrased by Umberto Eco that “images are the literature of the lay-men” (Eco, p. 41).

Nomadic cemeteries with pictorial stelae and tombstones

The nomadic cemeteries of Luristan are nearly all placed near shrines or along old migratory routes. Their inscribed and decorated tombstones and stelae turn them into an important source for the mapping of tribal migrations during the 19th and early 20th century and for our understanding of certain aspects of the religious beliefs and ritual actions of the nomads.

Allusions to the tombstones of Luristan and the motifs they represent include incidental observations by travelers passing through the country in the 19th and early 20th century (e.g., Rawlinson, pp. 53, 57-58; Herzfeld, p. 59; Stark, 1932, p. 504). The topic has later been dealt with by Feilberg (pp. 137-41, figs. 128-31), Wilhelm Eilers, Jørgen Meldgaard, Clare Goff, Leon Vanden Berghe (pp. 19-20 and Pl. VII, figs. 1-2), and Houchang Pourkarim (pp. 54-57, photograph on p. 25). Starting during 1974-77, an extensive, systematic study of nomadic cemeteries in northern Luristan was carried out by a member of the Danish Archaeological Expedition (Demant Mortensen, 1983, 1991, 1996, and 2010).

It seems that most of the nomadic cemeteries in northern Luristan, along with the tribes that they represent, can be traced back to the late 18th or early 19th century.

The earliest known nomadic tombstone, dated 1209/1794, is in the cemetery of Kazābād in the Holaylān valley (Demant Mortensen 2010, p. 167). In a historical context, the emergence of the tombstones coincide with the withdrawal of the viceroy governor (wāli) and his retinue from Khorramabad into Pošt-e Kuh in 1796, a move that was occasioned by the attempt of the first Qajar shah to reduce and weaken his power and authority.

By the end of the 1920s and the early 1930s, there is a dramatic decline in the number of nomadic cemeteries, a picture clearly reflecting the drastic changes forced upon the nomads of Luristan by the policy of Reżā Shah (r. 1924-41). Starting early in the 1920s, Reżā Shah and his army attempted forcibly to “civilize” (taḵta-qāpu), that is, to disarm and settle, the nomadic tribes throughout the country.

By the mid-1930s this policy had resulted in an economic, social, and cultural breakdown of the old tribal structures of Luristan and in a partial cessation of nomadic migrations and of memorial stelae and obelisks at the cemeteries. The latest known pictorial stele, dated 1354/1935, has been registered at the cemetery of Pela Kabud in the Holaylān valley (Demant Mortensen, 2010, pp. 73, 148, fig. 98).

At the cemeteries the graves were usually marked by a horizontal tombstone lying within the frame of stones marking the outline of the grave. In addition, an obelisk or a stele depicting in lively scenes animals and human beings was sometimes erected at the head of the grave (e.g., see Demant Mortensen, 1993, pp. 134, 138, Pls. 6.64, 6.66).

These extraordinary pictorial stones, unique in an Islamic context, were carved and used by the nomads. Like the horizontal tombstones, they were erected for men as well as for women, although more frequently for the men.

The flat-lying gravestones bear an inscription stating the name of the deceased, the name of his or her father, and the name of the tribe to which he or she belonged. The time of death is always mentioned by year, according to the Islamic lunar calendar, and occasionally also by month.

The rank or title of the deceased may also be recorded. In rare cases, a few lines from a poem may be incised along the edge of the tombstone, but apparently never a quotation from the Qurʾan. This would be inappropriate, since people might step on the stones, and sheep and goats and other animals crossing a cemetery might soil the tombstones.

At the base of the stone there is nearly always a field with pictorial symbols that are characteristic of men and women respectively. With unfailing certainty they will indicate whether the deceased was a woman or a man. In the case of women, the symbols will include a comb, a mirror, and a pair of scissors, a symbol designating a carpet, and in a few cases a kohl-pin.

On a man’s tombstone is most often depicted a prayer stone, a string of prayer beads, a washing-set consisting of a ewer and a bowl, and a man’s comb, characterized by its half-circular shape. It appears that the symbols characterizing a woman on the gravestone to all intents and purposes reflect her profane, daily life.

In contrast to this a man is characterized on the gravestones with symbols full of religious connotations meant to turn the thought towards his pious purity: a washing-set, a rosary, and a prayer stone. This emphasis upon the religious aspects of life depicted on the men’s tombstones in a subtle and subconscious way perhaps reflected the Lur’s conception of the role and status in real life, where the men were the external providers and protectors, while the women lived in the private sphere.

Obviously, there is a great difference but it does not follow automatically that there was an evaluation in terms of status attached to the different roles within the tribal community. Wilson (p. 156), who lived a long time among the Lurs, wrote a eulogy of the Lur women, who bear the burden of the day in most senses of the phrase, in the following words. “without a wife a man is as helpless and useless as half a pair of anything else— and [he] knows it.”

In some cases a panel with an enigmatic geometric figure may be found on the gravestones, interspaced usually between the fourth and the fifth line of the inscription. It shows a cross on a square background with a kind of step design on both sides, opening up into tiny “channels” leading out from or into the center. The simplest interpretation of this motif is that it is a purely decorative element.

There is, however, one other possibility: the central motifs are almost identical to the central motifs in the great Persian garden carpets from the 17th and 18th centuries, and to similar motifs seen in many Caucasian carpets and tribal rugs. It is a characteristic feature of these carpet designs that the design is geometrical and that there are channels leading out of, or into, the central motif, precisely as in the medial panels of the gravestones.

In the carpets these channels and pools symbolize the water channels in a garden, or by extension the Garden of Paradise (bāḡ-e behešt). The connection between real, geometrical garden plans, their reproduction in carpets, and the religious conceptions about the Garden of Paradise has often been demonstrated.

Against this background and in a religious context, at nomadic cemeteries, it has been suggested that the geometric motifs of the middle panels on the tombstones, like the central figures of the garden carpets, not only fulfill a decorative purpose, but also contain symbolic connotations, which among the nomads of Luristan would direct the mind towards the Garden of Paradise (Demant Mortensen, 1996, pp. 176-78).

The stelae, which sometimes were erected at the head of the grave, usually have pictures on both sides, showing distinctly different themes. One side, facing the grave, shows scenes from the life of the deceased. A typical motif at a woman’s stele would be a vertical loom with a half-finished carpet, surrounded by two or three women each with a weft-beater in her hand.

The men’s stelae would show a mounted horseman with a small shield over his shoulder, with a lance or gun in his hand and his sword attached to the characteristic high wooden saddle. The rider is often engaged in a hunt, accompanied by two or three tribesmen, each carrying a gun with a fixed bayonet.

The other side of the stelae shows a similar picture, but with marked differences in content. Here the representation is a reflection of rituals associated with death and burial. The horse is rider-less, and it is clearly tethered with a mallet at the head and at the hind leg. The weapons of the deceased, a gun, a sword, and a shield, are tied to the high wooden saddle. Below this scene three women are shown, their arms resting on each other’s shoulders.

The women are probably shown as participants in the funeral procession or doing čupi dance. Singing, wailing, and dancing were practiced by mourning women as part of the burial rites in Luristan throughout the 19th and most of the 20th century. An emotional incident reflecting these rituals is reported by Freya Stark, who in 1931 spent some time in the plains of Ḵāva and Delfān.

She relates how Yusof Khan, a young leader of the Nur-ʿAlis “beloved by all the northern Lurs was taken and executed in Hamadan; his followers, including my guide, lifted his body from the cemetery and brought it to Kermanshah, and then carried it with high wailing dirges four days’ journey to its burial-place at Hulailan” (Stark, 1947, pp. 27-32).

The picture of a riderless horse seems to reflect an old Iranian tradition where the horse of the deceased was brought along in the funerary procession to the cemetery, with the deceased’s turban, his sword, bow and arrows, lance, and in general anything that might serve to identify his standing and strength.

To lead a horse after the hearse or bier at a funeral seems to have been, if not a universal habit, at least a widespread custom also known from Luristan, a reflection, perhaps, of a belief in an afterlife in which the deceased will need the horse and the weapons that he used to have in his life on earth (cf., e.g., Tavernier, p. 722; Quenstedt, pp. 254-56; Demant Mortensen, 2010, pp. 84 ff.).

There is, however, another possible explanation for the riderless horse as it appears on the Luristani stelae. An underlying meaning of the motif might be that the representation of a riderless, equipped horse on the tombstone in the same way as Imam Ḥosayn’s horse is represented in the ʿĀšurāʾ processions during Moḥarram reminds the passer-by of Imam Ḥosayn’s martyrdom, and thus his attentions would automatically be focused on the Day of Judgement and on pious hopes for the afterlife (Demant Mortensen, 1991, pp. 85-86).

As a derivation of this, the intended message could also have been that the person interred in the tomb had been of a pious observation. This seems to be quite a probable explanation and association with the nomadic setting in Luristan in the 19th and early 20th century, as it is indirectly testified by the elegies sung by the wives of the Wāli Ḥosaynqoli Khan on the occasion of his death, ca. 1900 (cf. Mann, pp. 145-52).

Supernatural powers

Apart from the more or less orthodox religious notions, there seems to be a widespread belief in supernatural beings in Iran (cf. e.g., Donaldson, passim; Massé, pp. 351-68). There are, however, considerable regional variations in their occurrence, form, and attributes, and a supernatural being reported in one area may be unknown in another. As far as Luristan is concerned, the most extensive information on this topic has been provided by Amanolahi-Baharvand (pp. 142-78).

According to this source, the Baharvand, and probably a major part of the nomadic tribes of Luristan, have had a dualistic concept of the soul and body. Without the soul the body was nothing, and the soul could leave the body at will, in the form of a flying insect, like a mosquito, with the nose as a passage. It was believed that, when a person is asleep, his soul is out, and when it returns to the body, the person awakes.

It was also believed that everybody has an identical spiritual being in the sky. When someone dies, the soul enters this being or spirit, which descends from heaven into the grave. When the spirit has entered the grave, it will, together with the soul, find the way to the eternal world. On the way, there is a bridge, narrower than a hair, which has to be crossed. When the spirits reach the bridge, they will be met by the sheep that were sacrificed in this world, and these will be ready to carry them across the bridge.

The good ones will have no trouble getting across the bridge, but the bad ones will have serious problems. On the other side of the bridge is the gate to the eternal world, and after Judgement the righteous will go to Paradise, while the wicked are sent to Hell. It was, moreover, believed that the coming of the Mahdi would mean an end to both of these worlds, because it would mean the creation of a completely new universe with freedom and justice for everyone (Amanolahi-Baharvand, p. 148).

This somewhat diverging version of the official eschatology existed alongside a belief in several kinds of personified supernatural beings to which human emotions and feelings were attributed. Above all there is God (Ḵodā), followed by various religious personalities such as ʿAli, Moḥammad, the Imams and emāmzādas, and the local saints and prophets in Luristan. ʿAli is the strongest of all, almost comparable to God, and certainly greater than Moḥammad (Amanolahi-Baharvand, p. 150).

The belief in predestination stems from the concept that God determines the destiny of every human being and all other creatures of the universe, so everything that happens is the will of God. He is the absolute ruler and owner of the universe. He can make people sick, poor, rich, crippled, and blind. He is omniscient and omnipresent, and He has it in His power to destroy everything in an instant if He so wishes.

Although supernatural power or ability is attributed to God and all prophets and Islamic saints, they are in a different category from the other supernatural beings. God is held responsible for death and disease as well as for everything else.

But there is nevertheless, at the same time, a distinction made between natural and supernatural causes of such misfortunes. This seemingly contradictory, and totally irreconcilable, assertion will just have to be accepted, in the same way as those diseases and misfortunes that cannot immediately be understood are attributed to supernatural forces (cf. Amanolahi-Baharvand, pp. 150 ff.).

Dangerous supernatural beings include malakat, which is a local derivation from Arabic, meaning angels (e.g., malak al-mawt, the Angel of Death, often used in the Qurʾanic vocabulary). The Luri concept is somewhat different. It was believed that malakats have all the characteristics of human beings, except that they are invisible and also have the power to change form.

This means that they can and will turn themselves into, for example, a human being, a cat, or a piece of wood. They never die, and they may be found in many places, such as ruins, mountains, and dark corners. They were feared because it was believed that they had the power to make people ill or insane. Sometimes they fell in love with a woman and caused her to behave abnormally.

The malakat might take a person and replace him with an identical malakat. The same might happen with a corpse, so if a body remained unburied overnight, it had to be guarded every minute. If someone is behaving crazily, it is believed that she or he might be possessed by a malakat, and a mollā (cleric) may try to capture it by torturing the afflicted person and thus drive it away (Amanolahi-Baharvand, p. 154).

Other groups of dangerous supernatural beings include the ḡuls and the divs (demons). In folktales the div is described as looking more or less like a human being, only larger and with the capacity of changing its form; it sleeps most of the time, and is often found at the bottom of wells.

Among the Baharvand in Luristan, it is believed that the div no longer exists, but that it has been replaced by another type of demon, which is extremely dangerous. This is a human-like creature, which may inflict injuries and illnesses resulting in death upon a person. In these cases it is beyond the powers of a sayyed or a mollā to help.

The Tofangči (rifleman) is the name given to an invisible hunter with male characteristics. If sudden unexpected deaths take place, it is believed to have been caused by the Tofangči, and if any of the herds were struck, the nomads would immediately migrate to another campsite.

Yāl, otherwise referred to as āl (cf. Donaldson, pp. 28-31; Massé, pp. 44, 356, tr., p. 348), is a supernatural being with the attributes of a female, a kind of witch, often described as four-footed, and with a tail. She is very dangerous for women in labor and is wont to snatch away babies. In Luristan she is known to have only two legs and no tail, but she is very tall and has large teeth. If a woman is attacked by yāl, a yāl-catcher will beat her with a stick in order to tell where the yāl is, and a sheep will be killed and its liver and heart taken to her.

To counterbalance the feared influence of all the malevolent, supernatural demons there is also a belief in a few benevolent creatures. For instance every person is believed to have a baḵt (lit. fate), which is the supernatural guardian of every individual (Donaldson, pp. 175-76).

The baḵt is supposed to be identical with its owner, and it protects his land and property. If someone’s baḵt is active, everything is prosperous for the whole family, the herds increase, and so on; but a baḵt may fall asleep, in which case it takes the form of an animal. If that should happen, all sorts of misery starts, and it is almost impossible to find and wake up the baḵt. If a man is unlucky and, for instance, is losing herds or even children, he may say that his baḵt has fallen asleep.

Another well-known group is the fairies (pari), who are the most beautiful of all supernatural beings and look just like humans. They may marry among themselves and have a social organization and even a king of their own, Šāh-pario, but they may also marry human beings. If this happens, it must be kept a secret; otherwise, the pari will escape.

Many people claim to have seen the paris dancing and singing, and it is possible to capture them when they are bathing in a river, but one must be very quick, jump into the river, and insert a needle into the hair of the pari before she becomes invisible. When the needle is inserted in the hair, the pari becomes the wife of the captor and will always be near him, but at the same time invisible to others. It is possible for such couples to have children, but they are also invisible, except for the father (Amanolahi-Baharvand, pp. 158-60).

It is in the same somewhat shady and ill-defined border area between religion, superstition, and folklore that one may find some impersonal, supernatural forces at work. They might for the sake of clarity be divided into “powers” and “matters” of supernatural character. The supernatural “powers” reckoned with in Luristan include baraka, bahra, rišarr and časm-e bad (Amanolahi-Baharvand, pp. 160 ff.).

Baraka, or blessing, has already been described above, and bahra has something of the same inherited quality. A person could have the bahra, that is the property or capacity of hunting or capturing certain personified, supernatural beings, or curing disorders caused by these. In that case he will nearly always be successful in these matters. Like baraka, it is a good quality, which cannot be used against other people.

The words riḵayr and rišarr are combinations of Luri and Arabic, and they signify a good or benevolent face and an evil face, respectively. Thus it is believed that some people have a “good face” (riḵayr) and they will cause prosperity wherever they appear; on the other hand, if someone on a journey sees an “evil face” (rišarr), he will worry that the journey will be fruitless or even dangerous (Demant Mortensen, 2010, pp. 20-21, 36).

This idea seems to be closely related to the notion of the bad or evil eye, in which there is a widespread belief in most of the Near East. Three main types of evil eyes are recognized in Luristan: čašm-e šur (“envious eye,” lit: “salty eye,” normally permanent), čašme-e nāpāk (“dirty eye,” normally temporary), and čašme-e bad (“bad eye,” normally momentary).

It is a problem that a person with an evil eye may unintentionally cause danger and disaster. The number of causes and cures enumerated, and the amount of time spent in anxiety, fear, and inconvenience caused by this belief is quite striking. Supernatural power may also be obtained through certain acts either of piety or of ceremonial sacrifice of animals.

Certain sayyeds were believed to have obtained supernatural power, partly through their descent from the Prophet, and partly through their own acts. Those who had obtained this status were regarded as next to holy, and with a supernatural power to cure both physical and mental illnesses. People would make an oath by the turban of such a person, or by his copy of the Qurʾan, which was believed to be much more powerful than an ordinary copy (Demant Mortensen, 2010, pp. 36-37).

This is leading to the other category of supernatural forces, that of “matter” or “substance.”

The Qur’an itself is believed to possess enormous supernatural forces, which would keep at bay the many malevolent supernatural beings, and also illnesses.

Objects related to emāmzādas, especially pieces of cloth from banners (ʿalam), protected the bearer from snake bites, harmful supernatural beings, and other dangerous creatures, and every year during Moḥarram the guardians literally took their ʿalams to pieces and distributed them among the people, who would sew them on to their clothing.

Also some trees were regarded as sacred and invested with supernatural power, possibly a concept of pre-Islamic origin.

Often, but not always, they are found close to a shrine, such as the Emāmzāda Šāhzāda Moḥammad in the Holaylān valley (Stein, p. 242).

Hundreds and hundreds of pieces of cloth may be seen hanging on such trees “in greater profusion than leaves” as de Bode puts it (I, p. 283), each representing a vow or wish uttered.

While others might silently wish upon a falling star, these rags of cloth each denote a “visible wish” as it were (Demant Mortensen, 1993, pp. 122-23, Pls. 6.56-57).

In order to remain on friendly terms with the personified supernatural beings surrounding them, and at the same time to protect themselves from all the malevolent powers lurking everywhere, the Lurs employ a complex set of ancient local ceremonies and adapted Islamic rituals, which are almost impossible to disentangle.

Most of the nomads in Luristan would have only a superficial knowledge of Islam, and many religious acts are mixed with older traditions, the origin of which remains obscure.

Sacrifices are normally made either to Imam ʿAli or to the local shrine or emāmzāda, but not directly to God.

Sacrifices are made for different purposes; for instance, at the birth of a first child (son), or people make a vow that they will make a sacrifice if a wish be realized, or if they recover from an illness.

A special kind of animal sacrifice is performed when a person dies (ʿaqiqa). The animal has to be a sheep and more than six months old.

An Arabic formula is whispered in its ear before it is killed. Then it has to be boiled, and the bones buried unbroken. None of the immediate family of the deceased can take part in this meal, as it is believed that the deceased in the next world will be carried across the bridge by the sheep to the gates of the eternal world. In Luristan a special offering (alafa) is also made to the dead annually a few days before the New Year (Nowruz).

The offering consists of sweetmeat (ḥalwā) and bread, and during the preparation of these foodstuffs the names of those deceased in whose memory the meals are being prepared must be mentioned, and they will then receive the sacrifice (Amonolahi-Baharvand, pp. 170-76; Demant Mortensen, 2010, pp. 36-37).

Epilogue

Fredrik Barth (p. 146), following his description of some ceremonies, rituals, games, and beliefs among the Bāṣeri tribe in Fars, reaches the following conclusion about religion: “In general, I feel that the above attempt at an exhaustive description of the ceremonies and explicit practices of the Basseri reveals a ritual life of unusual poverty.”

The same verdict has been passed by almost everybody who has expressed an opinion on this matter as far as the Lurs are concerned. It is hoped, however, that the observations in the preceding pages might help to build a case for the opposite opinion. There was no ritual or religious poverty among the Lurs; on the contrary, the atmosphere was positively crowded with images of supernatural and other beings. The belief in them reflects truly religious notions, although these do not always conform to official doctrines.

Όλες τις βιβλιογραφικές παραπομπές μπορείτε να βρείτε εδώ:

http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/luristan-05-religion-beliefs

Περισσότερα:

http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/luristan-04-origin-nomadism

http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/bronzes-of-luristan

http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/luristan-bronzes-i-the-field-research-

http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/luristan-bronzes-ii-chronology

https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Лурестан

http://etnolog.ru/people.php?id=LURY

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luristan_bronze

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorestan_Province

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lurs

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luri_language

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luri_music

----------------------------------------

Κατεβάστε την αναδημοσίευση σε Word doc.:

https://vk.com/doc429864789_619584124

https://www.docdroid.net/ZOuHf4E/h-zoi-sto-lorestan-kai-oi-lori-toy-mesoy-zaghroy-tis-oroseiras-poy-khorizei-irak-kai-iran-docx

https://www.slideshare.net/MuhammadShamsaddinMe/ss-250586176

https://issuu.com/megalommatis/docs/life_in_lorestan.docx

Κοσμάς / Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης: ένας Ρωμιός ανάμεσα στη Χριστιανωσύνη & το Ισλάμ

ΑΝΑΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΣΗΜΕΡΑ ΑΝΕΝΕΡΓΟ ΜΠΛΟΓΚ “ΟΙ ΡΩΜΙΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ”

Το κείμενο του κ. Νίκου Μπαϋρακτάρη είχε αρχικά δημοσιευθεί την 16η Φεβρουαρίου 2018.

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Κοσμάς / Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης: ένας Ρωμιός ανάμεσα στη Χριστιανωσύνη & το Ισλάμ

https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2018/02/16/κοσμάς-μουχάμαντ-σαμσαντίν-μεγαλομμ/  

========================================  

Οι Ρωμιοί της Ανατολής – Greeks of the Orient

Ρωμιοσύνη, Ρωμανία, Ανατολική Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία

Από τη συζήτηση που έγινε στο μπλογκ του καθ. Δημήτρη Κιτσίκη με βάση την ερώτηση ενός σχολιαστή.

https://endiameseperiochenea.blogspot.com/2018/02/405.html

Ioannnis February 12, 2018 at 5:29 AM

Γνωρίζετε γιατί ο κος Μεγαλομμάτης, άλλαξε πίστη από χριστιανός σε μουσουλμάνος, και από Κοσμάς σε Μουχάμαντ;

Απάντηση

Περίπου. Αν και είναι ένα θέμα για το οποίο ο ίδιος ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης, μουσουλμάνος από το 1992 και επίσημα από το 1994, δεν έχει ποτέ γράψει το παραμικρό. Επειδή έχω την τύχη να τον έχω γνωρίσει από κοντά, θα σας μεταφέρω τι μου είπε στην ερώτησή μου γιατί έγινε μουσουλμάνος.

Κοσμάς / Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης: ένας Χριστιανός Ορθόδοξος που γίνεται Άθρησκος

Αλλά πριν από αυτό, θα πρέπει να διορθώσω κάπως την ερώτησή σας η οποία είναι σωστή μόνον κατά το ήμισυ. Ναι, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης γεννήθηκε στην Αθήνα από δύο χριστιανούς ορθόδοξους γονείς γεννημένους στην Ιωνία και στην Παφλαγονία και βαφτίστηκε χριστιανός ορθόδοξος με το όνομα του πατέρα του πατέρα του, Κοσμάς. Και ναι, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης σήμερα είναι μουσουλμάνος με τα δύο ονόματα Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν (κυρ. ‘ο ήλιος της θρησκείας’). Αλλά, και αυτό είναι ιδιαίτερο, αντίθετα με το τι λέτε στην ερώτησή σας, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης δεν “άλλαξε πίστη από χριστιανός σε μουσουλμάνος”.

Το ελληνικό επώνυμό τους επήραν οι πρόγονοί του φθάνοντας στην Ελλάδα στην δεκαετία του 1930. Στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία και στην Τουρκία η οικογένεια ονομαζόταν Gözübüyükoğlu (Γκιοζουμπουγιούκογλου) και το Μεγαλομμάτης είναι η σωστή ελληνική μετάφραση. Ήταν γεννημένοι στην Κασταμονή ο πατέρας του και στην Καισάρεια ο παππούς του μεγαλέμπορος ζάχαρης στην Τουρκία και χρηματιστής στην Ελλάδα. Στην οικογένειά του, όπως σε πολλές οικογένειες των ενδοτέρων της Μικράς Ασίας υπήρχαν και μουσουλμάνοι και χριστιανοί.

Μιλάει γι’ αυτό ο ίδιος σε μια online συνέντευξή του σε ένα πόρταλ ορισμένων Ορόμο επιστημόνων στις ΗΠΑ (οι Ορόμο είναι ένα μεγάλο, 45 εκ. πληθυσμού, υπόδουλο έθνος μοιρασμένο από τους αποικιοκράτες στις ψευτο-χώρες Αβησσυνία και Κένυα): ” I am Greek citizen of Turkish origin; my father, my mother and my grandparents were all born in the Ottoman Empire. During my childhood, I became familiar with a trilingual phenomenon – Turkish at home, Greek in the streets, and French in school. I belong to a family that had Muslim and Christian members who did not have difficulty in changing their faith while preserving their deepest cultural personality intact – an uncle to my father, named Murad, fought against the British at Basra in 1916, but easily became Christian, and was renamed as Evdokimos when the family decided to move to Greece 14 years later! I belong to a family of merchants – my paternal grandfather was a big sugar merchant from Caesarea of Cappadocia, and later owner of a Brokerage and Securities company at the Athens Stock Exchange. I belong to two families, I mean paternal and maternal, whose members were familiar with extensive travels throughout the Middle East, the Balkans, the Caucasus area, and Central Asia at the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries. They were the first to describe to me, when a child at Athens – Greece, all the marvels of the Orient, the pyramids of Egypt, the zikkurat of Ur in southern Mesopotamia, the great palaces of Assurbanipal at Nineveh, nearby Mosul, the ruins of Persepolis, the great Phoenician temple of Baalbek, the majestic Islamic sites of Najaf – Iraq, Shiraz, Esfahan, Samarkand, Damascus, Jerusalem, and Cairo, the wilderness of Baluchistan, the magic coasts of the Red Sea, and of course what was home to them, the majestic and bewitching cities of Anatolia, Caesarea, Castamone, Sebastea, Konya, Malatya, Urfa, Erzerum, Diyarbakir, and of course Istanbul. My mother’s family had a maritime vocation, moving from Izmir/Smyrna in the Western coast of Turkey to the Aegean Sea islands of Cassos and Carpathos, before settling at Athens. It was only normal consequence that before 10 I knew in three languages the real meaning of terms such as ‘Hieroglyphic’ and ‘Cuneiform’ scriptures. And it was only normal for me to accept that ‘borders’ mean nothing to anybody – except the rulers, of course – and that the best way for anyone to see things is to go to the other side of the ‘border’, and see things from there as well!”

http://www.voicefinfinne.org/English/Interviews/Interview_Mega1.htm

Προσέξτε ότι θείος του πατέρα του κ. Μεγαλομμάτη ήταν μουσουλμάνος αξιωματικός του οθωμανικού στρατού και πολέμησε τους Άγγλους στη Βασόρα και την Βαγδάτη! Και 14 χρόνια αργότερα, για να ακολουθήσει την οικογένεια του αδερφού του έγινε χριστιανός ορθόδοξος κι άλλαξε το όνομά του από Μουράτ σε Ευδόκιμος.

Θα βρείτε ολόκληρη την συνέντευξη αναδημοσιευμένη εδώ:

https://www.academia.edu/23432753/Voice_Finfinne_Organization_-_Interview_with_Professor_Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis_on_the_Oromos_Ethiopia_Sudan_Abyssinia_and_East_Africa

Μιλώντας σε μένα για το παρελθόν της οικογένειάς του, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης μου είχε χαρακτηριστικά πει: “ήμασταν πάντοτε μία οικογένεια ανάμεσα σε δύο κόσμους”. Αλλά αυτό ήταν μόνον το παρελθόν. Ένα παρελθόν που συμπληρώνεται από την αμειγώς χριστιανική οικογένεια της μητέρας του που είχε γεννηθεί στη Σμύρνη, όπως και η μητέρα της, ενώ ο εκ της μητρός παππούς του κ. Μεγαλομμάτη είχε γεννηθεί στο Κιρκαγάτς του Αξαρίου (Άκ Χισάρ) δηλαδή τα Θυάτειρα. Αυτό το τμήμα της οικογένειας του κ. Μεγαλομμάτη έζησε την μικρασιατική καταστροφή και την πυρπόληση της Σμύρνης. Εγγονή ιερέα, του παπα-Μάρκου Πλυτά που είχε ιερουργήσει στην Σμύρνη, την Κάσο και την Κάρπαθο, η μητέρα του κ. Μεγαλομμάτη ήταν μία βαθειά θρησκευόμενη χριστιανή.

Ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης μετά τις σπουδές του στην Φιλοσοφική Αθηνών (1974-1978) φοίτησε σε μεταπτυχιακό επίπεδο στη Γαλλία (1978-1981), την Αγγλία (1981-1982), και το Βέλγιο (1983-1984) και ειδικεύθηκε σε 4 διαφορετικούς κλάδους ανατολιστικών επιστημών (ιστορία, ιστορία θρησκειών, αρχαιολογία), δηλ. ασσυριολογία, αιγυπτιολογία, χιττιτολογία και ιρανολογία, και σε πολιτικές επιστήμες (σοβιετολογία), παίρνοντας πολλά μεταπτυχιακά διπλώματα. Παράλληλα παρακολούθησε σεμινάρια σε φοινικικά, βιβλικές επιστήμες, αραμαϊκά, αρχαία υεμενικά, γκεζ (αξωμικά αβησσυνικά), ανατολικούς χριστιανισμούς, γνώση και μανιχεϊσμό.

Μετά την πρώτη συνάντησή μου μαζί του, όταν κύτταξα το βιογραφικό του στο σημείο σχετικά με τα μεταπτυχιακά του μου έκανε εντύπωση πόσο πολλά σεμινάρια και διαφορετικούς τομείς είχε παρακολουθήσει (λεπτομέρειες: https://www.academia.edu/34760195/1_Curriculum_August_2017_-_Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis) και τον ερώτησα σχετικά. Μου είχε απαντήσει ότι επί τρία χρόνια στο Παρίσι, ‘παρακολουθούσε μόνον’ 60-65 ώρες μαθήματα και σεμινάρια την εβδομάδα. Σκεφθείτε το επιπλέον διάβασμα! Στο σύνδεσμο θα βρείτε και ονόματα καθηγητών του ανά χώρα.

Στη συνέχεια, το 1984 άρχισε την ετοιμασία της διδακτορικής διατριβής του στη Γερμανία, σπουδάζοντας παράλληλα σε Συρία, Ισραήλ, Ιράκ, Ανατολική Τουρκία, και Ιράν, μελετώντας τους εκεί αρχαιολογικούς χώρους, και επίσης δημοσιεύοντας δημοσιογραφικού επιπέδου άρθρα.

Οπότε, την διαφορά έκανε στην αρχή η βαθειά ιστορικο-θρησκευτική μελέτη του. Όταν κάποιος διαβάζει στο ασσυροβαβυλωνιακό πρωτότυπο το Ενούμα Ελίς (που ως Γένεση είναι ποσοτικά εκτενέστερη και ποιοτικά ανώτερη περιγραφή της αντίστοιχης βιβλικής) και περνάει διαγωνισμούς σε ιερογλυφικά κείμενα – αιγυπτιακούς μονοθεϊστκούς ύμνους του Αχενατόν (των οποίων αυτούσια μετάφραση στα αρχαία εβραϊκά είναι πολλοί ψαλμοί της Βίβλου), όταν κάποιος σπουδάζει ισιακές λατρείες, μιθραϊσμό, και γνωστικισμούς, τότε βλέπει και την θρησκεία του Αρχαίου Ισραήλ και την Χριστιανωσύνη μέσα σε ένα ιστορικό πλαίσιο πολύ μεγαλύτερο αυτού που είναι γνωστό σε σημερινούς Ιουδαίους και Χριστιανούς. Σ’ αυτό προσθέστε και την ιστορική κριτική των πηγών της Χριστιανωσύνης και την μελέτη των ανατολικών χριστιανισμών, από τους οποίους ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης ήταν και είναι κοντύτερα στον νεστοριανισμό.

Οπότε, ήδη από το 1984, στα 28 του, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης είχε πάψει να είναι χριστιανός ορθόδοξος. Ο ίδιος μου έχει πει αλλά και αρκετά κείμενά του συνηγορούν στο γεγονός ότι έβλεπε πολλά σημεία της Ιστορίας και της Καταγωγής της Χριστιανωσύνης παράλληλα με τον Γάλλο ιστορικό θρησκειών και κορυφαίο ελεύθερο τέκτονα Robert Ambelain.

https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Ambelain

https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Амбелен,_Робер

Προσέξτε πόσο μεγαλύτερο είναι το κείμενο της ρωσσικής wikipedia! (προσωπικά έχω μάθει ρωσσικά τα τελευταία 2-3 χρόνια επειδή ζούμε μαζί εδώ στην Κένυα με τους Ρώσσους -από το Καζακστάν- συνεταίρους μας). Εσείς μπορεί να μην ξέρετε ρωσσικά αλλά και μόνο η διαφορά μεγέθους του λήμματος για ένα μάλιστα ‘ξένο’ στη Ρωσσία επιστήμονα θα σας δείξει την ουσία του βάθους της διαφοράς που βλέπετε σε πολιτικο-οικονομικό επίπεδο ανάμεσα στην Γαλλία και τη Ρωσσία. Στη διάρκεια των μεταπτυχιακών του στο Παρίσι, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης μου έχει πει ότι είχε συναντηθεί και συζητήσει επί μακρόν και για πολλές φορές με τον Robert Ambelain.

Προσέξτε, φερ’ ειπείν, μια σειρά από εκλαϊκευτικά άρθρα του κ. Μεγαλομμάτη αρχικά δημοσιευμένα στη δεκαετία του 1990! Εδώ φαίνεται να ακολουθεί από κοντά σχετικά δημοσιεύσεις του Robert Ambelain:

Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης – Οι Χριστιανισμοί Το Άγνωστο Παρασκήνιο της Δημιουργίας της “Νέας” Θρησκείας Οι Επισημασμένες Αντιφάσεις μεταξύ των Πηγών του Χριστιανισμού: Ευαγγέλια, Πράξεις, Επιστολές

(Και εδώ σε PDF: https://www.academia.edu/49282705/ΟιΧριστιανισμοίΤοΆγνωστοΠαρασκήνιοτηςΔημιουργίαςτηςΝέας_Θρησκείας_1)

Εδώ όμως είναι μια καθαρόαιμη ‘μεγαλομματική’ ιστορικο-θρησκευτική προσέγγιση:

Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης – Οι Χριστιανισμοί Το Άγνωστο Παρασκήνιο της Δημιουργίας της “Νέας” Θρησκείας Οι Τέσσερις Ιουδαϊκές Τάσεις & τα Βασικά Θρησκευτικά Ρεύματα της Εποχής

(Και εδώ σε PDF: https://www.academia.edu/49285956/ΟιΧριστιανισμοίΤοΆγνωστοΠαρασκήνιοτηςΔημιουργίαςτηςΝέας_Θρησκείας_2)

Πολλές φορές πρέπει κάποιος να ξέρει να διαβάζει τον κ. Μεγαλομμάτη σωστά. Εδώ δεν εξιστορεί (ούτε υπερασπίζεται) την θρησκευτική θέση των Αχμαντίγια (στο Πακιστάν δεν τους θεωρούν καν μουσουλμάνους αλλά οι ίδιοι πιστεύουν ότι είναι κι ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης τους υπερασπίζεται σε πολιτικό επίπεδο) περί τον Ιησού (ότι τάχα απεβίωσε στο Κασμίρ) αλλά την ιστορία της θέσης αυτής, δηλαδή πως αυτή προέκυψε ‘ξαφνικά κι από το πουθενά’ και ποια γεωστρατηγικά συμφέροντα εκπροσωπούσε:

Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης Τα σκοτεινά χρόνια της ζωής του Ιησού. Τα ταξίδια του σε Περσία, Ινδία & Κασμίρ

(Και εδώ σε PDF: https://www.academia.edu/49291062/ΤαΣκοτεινάΧρόνιατηςΖωήςτουΙησούταΤαξίδιατουσεΠερσίαΙνδίακαιΚασμίρ_)

Και εδώ δίνει το όλο ιστορικό πλαίσιο των χρόνων του Ιησού από τα βρεταννικά νησιά (ρωμαϊκή επικράτεια) μέχρι την Ινδία:

Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης – Από την Ιουδαία στο Κασμίρ

(Και εδώ σε PDF: https://www.academia.edu/49293803/ΑπότηνΙουδαίαστοΚασμίρ_From_Judaea_to_Kashmir)

Σου λέει δηλαδή ότι, ναι, είναι αληθοφανές (plausible) ότι ο Ιησούς θα μπορούσε να είχε πάει εύκολα στο Κασμίρ. Δεν ήταν ούτε ‘μακριά’ για τα τότε μέτρα, ούτε ‘επικίνδυνο’.

Οπότε, όπως μου έχει πει ο ίδιος, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης, με σχετική δήλωσή του, απέρριψε τον Χριστιανισμό το 1985 και απέκτησε μια νέα ταυτότητα όπου στην ένδειξη ‘θρήσκευμα’ έγραφε ‘άθρησκος’. Καταλαβαίνετε βέβαια ότι αυτό δεν έχει καμμία σχέση με αθεΐα.

Κοσμάς / Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης: ένας Άθρησκος που αναζητάει να βρει μια θρησκεία

Το πιο ενδιαφέρον ωστόσο (σε μένα που δυστυχώς τον γνώρισα ‘πρόσφατα’, το 2011, και έκτοτε προσπαθώ να βρω και να διαβάσω άρθρα του δημοσιευμένα στα ελληνικά και σε άλλες γλώσσες στις δεκαετίες του 1980 και 1990) είναι ότι, από τότε που ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης γίνεται άθρησκος, στα άρθρα του είναι εμφανής (τουλάχιστον σε μένα, τώρα) μια προσπάθεια έρευνας, αναζήτησης και ταύτισης μιας πλέον χαμένης θρησκευτικότητας.

Κυττάξτε αυτό:

https://www.academia.edu/23010978/ΜουχάμαντΣαμσαντίνπρώηνΚοσμάςΜεγαλομμάτηςΟδοιπορικόστηνΠερσίατου_Ιμάμη

https://www.academia.edu/23010128/ΟδοιπορικόστηνΠερσίατουΙμάμητουΜουχάμαντΣαμσαντίνπρώηνΚοσμάΜεγαλομμάτη

Εδώ μπορείτε να το δείτε σε βίντεο (δύο συνέχειες) το οποίο ανέβασα επειδή μου άρεσε ιδιαίτερα:

http://www.youtube.com/    watch?v=wB2Ze1v_uA8

http://www.youtube.com/    watch?v=XCLjynFKcCU

Τα δύο βίντεο βρίσκονται εδώ:  

https://vk.com/video429864789_456239043

https://ok.ru/video/333170084440

και

https://vk.com/video429864789_456239044

https://ok.ru/video/333172181592

Αρχικά δημοσιευμένο το 1986, δείχνει ένα νεαρό άνθρωπο που ψάχνει στα πλαίσια του κόσμου στον οποίο ζει την αλήθεια και την πνευματικότητα σε παραμύθια ειπωμένα στο μακρινό χωριό, μακριά από τις μεγαλουπόλεις, την τεχνολογία, τον μοντερνισμό, και τον εκδυτικισμό. Ήταν ηλίθιο που μερικοί, όπως έμαθα από φίλους, τον θεώρησαν τότε φιλο-Ιρανό διαβάζοντας και παρερμηνεύοντας το άρθρο αυτό.

Ναι, υπάρχει αναφορά στην αυτοθυσία των πολεμιστών αλλά το όλο κείμενο περνάει φευγαλέα από τις μεγάλες πόλεις, επικεντρώνεται στα βουνά, τις παραδοσιακές αξίες, τη ζωή κοντά στη φύση, με τα ζώα, την αγροτική καλλιέργεια, τα δάση, παραδοσιακό ετήσιο κύκλο στη φύση, και καταλήγει στην απόλυτη απόρριψη κάθε νεωτερισμού των τελευταίων αιώνων.

Σε ένα βαθμό, το άρθρο αυτό ήταν και μια αντιπολίτευση στον Χομεϊνί της οικονομίας, της πολιτικής, της εξόρυξης υδρογονανθράκων, και του πολιτικοποιημένου σιιτικού ισλάμ που είναι – όπως λέει ο ίδιος ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης – μια υλιστική ψευτο-θρησκεία όπως κι όλες οι άλλες οι σημερινές που όλες τους είναι “πολύ μακριά από το τι είναι μια πραγματική θρησκεία, δηλαδή μια ψυχοσωματική ένωση και μια υπερβατική επικοινωνία με τον αληθινό κόσμο, τον ψυχικό κόσμο, χωρίς τις σκέψεις, τις θεωρίες και τις ιδεολογίες του υλιστικού περιβάλλοντός μας”.

Προσέξτε εδώ ένα 29χρονο επιστήμονα να επικεντρώνει τις αναζητήσεις του στην τοπογραφία του ….. ασσυροβαβυλωνιακού Κάτω Κόσμου με πολλά αιγυπτιακά, εβραϊκά κι αρχαιοελληνικά παράλληλα:

Τα Σπήλαια: Χθόνιος Χώρος στις Σημιτικές Αντιλήψεις

και https://www.academia.edu/23213198/ΤαΣπήλαιαΧθόνιοςΧώροςστιςΣημιτικέςΑντιλήψειςΤουκαθΜουχάμαντΣαμσαντίνπρώηνΚοσμά_Μεγαλομμάτη

Σημειώνω πάντως ότι στα χρόνια εκείνα, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης δεν πορεύθηκε σε ευθεία γραμμή προς το Ισλάμ. Ο ίδιος μας έχει πει ότι στο Ισραήλ (για μεταπτυχιακά, προετοιμασία διατριβής, και έρευνα – με υποτροφία του ισραηλινού κράτους) έκανε μπαρ μιτσβά (Bar Mitzvah), ενώ ο συγχρωτισμός του με τους Γιαζίντι βόρεια της Μοσούλης είχε περιέλαβε σαφώς και κάποια μύηση.

Διαβάστε τις σελίδες 104-110 από το βιβλίο του Έξι Άστρα της Ανατολής (στο τέλος του κεφαλαίου Άμιδα, δηλαδή σχετικά με το Ντιγιάρμπακιρ) όπου αρνείται ολότελα τις διαδόσεις μουσουλμάνων περί του σατανισμού ως θρησκείας των Γιεζιντί και θα καταλάβετε:

και (σε PDF)

https://www.academia.edu/49409404/ΆμιδαΝτιγιάρμπακιρΈξιΆστρατης_Ανατολής_Amida_Diyarbakir_The_Six_Stars_of_the_Orient

Οπότε, όντας για μία περίοδο 7-8 ετών άθρησκος, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης προσχώρησε στο Ισλάμ, προφέροντας στο σουνιτικό τζαμί του Καΐρου Αλ Άζχαρ τα γνωστά ‘λα ιλάχ ιλά Αλλάχ’ και ‘Μουχάμαντ αρ-ρασούλ Αλλάχ’.

Ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης στα χρόνια των αναζητήσεων

Ντιγιάρμπακιρ (Άμιδα) 1984 – έξω από τα τείχη και με φόντο τον Τίγρη

Σαούρ, χωριό κοντά στην Μιντυάτ της επαρχίας Μάρντιν – 1985

Κοσμάς / Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης: ένας Άθρησκος που ‘προσχωρεί’ στο Ισλάμ

Χαρράν – Κάρραι, Ούρφα (Έδεσσα Οσροηνής) 1994

Εσκί Σουματάρ, Ούρφα 1994

Ο ίδιος ορίζει στο σύντομο βιογραφικό του τα εξής: “Born Christian Orthodox, he adhered to Islam when 36, devoted to ideas of Muhyieldin Ibn al Arabi”.

https://independent.academia.edu/ShamsaddinMegalommatis

Τουρκία 1994

Εδώ πρέπει να σημειώσω προκαταρκτικά ότι ο Μοχυιεντίν Ιμπν Άραμπι, ίσως ο πολυμαθέστερος μουσουλμάνος όλων των εποχών, ήταν ένας σπάνια ανατρεπτικός φιλόσοφος ο οποίος στη διαμάχη Φαραώ – Μωϋσή (θέμα κοινό σε εβραϊκή θρησκεία, Χριστιανωσύνη και Ισλάμ) υποστήριξε τον Φαραώ, λέγοντας ότι ήταν πιο σωστός από τον Μωϋσή κι ότι η Θεϊκή Παρουσία ήταν υπέρ αυτού!

Πνευματικός πατέρας του Τζελαλεντίν Ρούμι (ιδρυτή του τάγματος των Δερβίσηδων), ο Ιμπν Άραμπι υπήρξε ο κορυφαίος μύστης του Ισλάμ και στις Μεκκικές Ενοράσεις (Αλ Φουτουχάτ αλ Μακίγιε) – που είναι μόνιμος σύντροφος του κ. Μεγαλομμάτη (περισσότερο από το κοράνι) – περιγράφει ασύλληπτες ψυχικές εμπειρίες, μετακινήσεις του στον χρόνο, επικοινωνία με ψυχές παλαιοτέρων γενεών (προ του Αδάμ) και άλλα απερίγραπτα θέματα που η σημερινή παγκόσμια τυραννίδα έχει καταδικάσει τον περισσότερο κόσμο σε άγνοια και συνεπώς καθολική παραπληροφόρηση.

Εννοείται ότι ο Ιμπν Άραμπι είναι ‘κόκκινο πανί’ για τα τέρατα του πολιτικού Ισλάμ (Αδελφούς Μουσουλμάνους) και των Ουαχαμπιστών (‘σαλαφιστών’).

Αλλά ας αφήσουμε τον Ιμπν Άραμπι!

Θεραπειά (Ταραμπυά) Σταμπούλ 1995

Προσέξτε τα ρήματα! Η διαφορά από το convert στο adhere είναι χαοτική. Άλλο ‘μετατρέπομαι’ ή ‘προσηλυτίζομαι’ και άλλο ‘προσχωρώ’. Σαφώς πρόκειται για επιλογή θρησκείας εκ μέρους ενός αθρήσκου.

Αλλά δεν έχει να κάνει τίποτα με σύγχρονους σεΐχηδες και ιμάμηδες τους οποίους ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης θεωρεί αμόρφωτους ψευτο-μουσουλμάνους, όπως άλλωστε θεωρεί όλες τις σημερινές θρησκείες υλιστικά εκτρώματα που απομακρύνουν τον μέσο άνθρωπο από την εναργή αίσθηση της ψυχής του, την ένωση μαζί της, και την λειτουργία του ανθρώπου ως ψυχοσωματικής ενότητας ικανής να εννοεί, να αντιλαμβάνεται και να δρα σε υλικό και σε ψυχικό επίπεδο.

Πολύ καλός γνώστης των λατινικών, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης κάτι δηλώνει με την αποφυγή του cum- (convert) και την προτίμηση του ad- (adhere).

Τασουτζού (Taşucu), Μερσίνη 1996

Από τις μεταξύ μας συζητήσεις μπορώ να σε διαβεβαιώσω ότι ο ορισμός της Πίστης, τον οποίο δίνει ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης, βρίσκεται στους αντίποδες του τι ο κόσμος νομίζει ως ‘πίστη’ σήμερα και ταυτίζεται απόλυτα με την σήμερα ξεχασμένη και παρανοημένη, πλην όμως απολύτως κυριολεκτική και σε φυσικό επίπεδο, πρόταση του Ιησού “ἐὰν ἔχητε πίστιν ὡς κόκκον σινάπεως, ἐρεῖτε τῷ ὄρει τούτῳ μετάβηθι ἐντεῦθεν ἐκεῖ, καὶ μεταβήσεται, καὶ οὐδὲν ἀδυνατήσει ὑμῖν” (Κατά Ματθαίον, ΙΖ’ 20).

Δηλαδή, δεν είναι η Πίστη μια απλή θεωρητική /ιδεολογική παραδοχή απόψεων, αφηγήσεων, γνωμών, θεωριών και αντιλήψεων του στυλ “εσύ πιστεύεις στον κομμουνισμό”, “εγώ πιστεύω στο ναζισμό”, “αυτός πιστεύει στον βουδισμό”, “αυτή πιστεύει στον μονισμό”, “αυτοί πιστεύουν στον υπαρξισμό” κι “αυτές πιστεύουν στον χριστιανισμό”, κοκ. Πίστη είναι κάτι άλλο. Μια λειτουργία του ψυχικού κόσμου.

Ναι, ερώτησα τον κ. Μεγαλομμάτη, σε μια από τις πρώτες συναντήσεις μας, νομίζω εδώ στην Κένυα το 2012, γιατί έγινε μουσουλμάνος. Μου είπε ότι ποτέ δεν είχε γράψει ή πει σε κάποιον κάτι το σχετικό, ούτε και επρόκειτο, “επειδή η Πίστη είναι μια απολύτως προσωπική λειτουργία και πραγματική, δηλαδή ψυχική, επικοινωνία με τον Θεό, οπότε από τη φύση της δεν μπορεί να αφορά άλλους”.

Στη συνέχεια μου είπε ότι το να τον ρωτάω κάτι τέτοιο ήταν σχεδόν οξύμωρο επειδή, για να κατανοήσω μια ενδεχόμενη απάντησή του, θα έπρεπε να σπουδάσω και να μελετήσω όλα όσα εκείνος είχε μελετήσει, σπουδάσει και αντιληφθεί ως Χείρα Θεού μέσα στις λίγες χιλιετίες της Ανθρώπινης Ιστορίας.

Αλλοιώς θα ήταν σαν να του ζητήσω να μου μιλήσει σε ασσυροβαβυλωνιακά, μια γλώσσα στην οποία δεν κατέχω ούτε μία λέξη. Οπότε συμπεραίνω προσωπικά ότι η προσχώρησή του στο Ισλάμ, στο ιστορικό Ισλάμ των χρόνων της ακμής της Βαγδάτης και της Ανδαλουσίας και όχι στο σημερινό ψευτο-ισλάμ, ήταν συνάρτηση των ιστορικών, αρχαιολογικών, ιστορικο-θρησκευτικών ερευνών, μελετών και συμπερασμάτων του από την μία πλευρά και υπόθεση υπερβατικών ψυχικών αναζητήσεων από την άλλη.

Στην συνέχεια, τον ερώτησα αν θα μου συνιστούσε να γίνω και γω μουσουλμάνος και μου απάντησε ρητώς “ασφαλώς και όχι”. Συνέχισε λέγοντας ότι ο καθένας έχει τον δικό του δρόμο για την επικοινωνία και την συνένωση με τον Θεό και για την ολοκλήρωση της αποστολής του εδώ, και ότι δεν υπάρχει θρησκεία η οποία στο αρχικό της ή στο κορυφαίο της σημείο να μην είναι ικανή να οδηγήσει ένα άνθρωπο επιτυχώς στον απώτατο στόχο: το υπερπέραν (και βέβαια εννοείται ότι οι κατά τόπους πολυθεϊσμοί δεν αποτελούν ποτέ θρησκεία για τον κ. Μεγαλομμάτη αλλά αλλοίωση και ξεπεσμό θρησκείας).

Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης: ένας Μουσουλμάνος που υπερασπίζεται τους Αραμαίους Χριστιανούς κι απαιτεί ανεξάρτητο αραμαϊκό χριστιανικό κράτος σε Συρία-Ιράκ

Στην αρχή της γνωριμίας μας, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης μου είχε δημιουργήσει μεγάλη περιέργεια επειδή ακριβώς δεν μπορούσα να τον εντάξω κάπου (κι αυτό ήταν αδύνατο) και επειδή σύντομη έστω συζήτηση μαζί του δείχνει ότι και ξέρει πολύ καλά και την Χριστιανωσύνη και το Ισλάμ και τις πρότερες και νυν θρησκείες της Ανατολής, και εύκολα βρίσκει συγγενή προς εκείνον άτομα, στοιχεία, θέσεις και εκφράσεις παντού.

Στην Χριστιανωσύνη έλκουν τον κ. Μεγαλομμάτη πολύ διαφορετικά μεταξύ τους πρόσωπα και ρεύματα. Αλλά μόνον εκείνος θα μπορούσε να εξηγήσει πως συνδυάζει τον Ιωάννη Χρυσόστομο με τον Ιερό Αυγουστίνο, τον Εφραίμ Σύρο με τον Νεστόριο, τον Μιχαήλ Ψελλό και τον Κοσμά Ινδικοπλεύστη. Και ασφαλώς θα είναι ο μόνος μουσουλμάνος με μεγάλη εκτίμηση για τον Ιωάννη Δαμασκηνό, από τον οποίο ωστόσο θεωρεί ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης ολόκληρη την σημερινή Ορθόδοξη εκκλησία ως απομακρυσμένη και συνεπώς ως αλλοιωμένη.

Και βέβαια, ακριβώς επειδή ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης (κι επανέρχομαι στην ίδια την ερώτησή σας) δεν ‘απέρριψε την Χριστιανωσύνη για ν’ αποδεχθεί το Ισλάμ’, δεν υπάρχει στον ίδιο κανένα είδος αντίθεσης ή αντιπαράθεσης με την Χριστιανωσύνη. Όταν κάποτε τον είχα ρωτήσει ποιος είναι πιο κοντά στον Θεό, ένας μέσος χριστιανός ή ένας μέσος μουσουλμάνος, μου είχε πει ότι ο πιο κοντινός στον Θεό είναι …. ὁ ποιῶν τὸ θέλημα τοῦ πατρός τοῦ ἐν οὐρανοῖς.

Και όταν τον ερώτησα, αν πιστεύει ότι οι θεωρητικοί στυλοβάτες του Ισλάμ είναι πιο ορθοί από τους αντίστοιχους της Χριστιανωσύνης και ότι το Ισλάμ είναι περισσότερο μονοθεϊστική θρησκεία από την Χριστιανωσύνη, τότε μου είπε ότι εξετάζω τις θρησκείες πολύ επιφανειακά και ότι αυτό οδηγεί πάντοτε σε λάθη, και όταν ζήτησα περισσότερες εξηγήσεις, μου έκανε την εξής ερώτηση:

– Κατά πόσον μια θρησκεία με πιο ορθούς θεωρητικούς στυλοβάτες και περισσότερο μονοθεϊστική από μιαν άλλη είναι καλύτερη από την άλλη, αν της άλλης θρησκείας οι οπαδοί είναι πιο ηθικά, πιο ευσεβή και πιο κοντινά στον Θεό άτομα;

Κάϊρο 2002

Και αυτό νομίζω δίνει και την ταυτότητα του κ. Μεγαλομμάτη που βλέπει συνέχεια στο τι υπάρχει πίσω από τις θρησκείες-συστήματα και κηρύγματα. Γι’ αυτό άλλωστε και ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης συστηματικά και με εκτεταμένη αρθρογραφία ζήτησε από το 2004 και το 2005 την ίδρυση αραμαϊκού χριστιανικού κράτους στον χώρο του Ιράκ και της Συρίας, και ολόθερμα υπερασπίστηκε τους Αραμαίους Μονοφυσίτες (Ενοφυσίτες) και Νεστοριανούς και τους Κόπτες της Αιγύπτου. Αυτούς για τους οποίους ψευτο-πατριάρχες, ψευτο-μητροπολίτες και ψευτο-χριστιανοί δεν έχουν πει ούτε λέξη!

Αλεξάνδρεια 2003

Γι’ αυτό και η μεγάλη αραμαϊκή οργάνωση Αράμ Ναχρίν (‘Αραμαϊκή Μεσοποταμία’) τον τιμάει και τον υπερασπίζεται, επειδή οι αλήθειες τις οποίες αποκαλύπτει ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης καταστρέφουν αποικιοκρατικά έργα, ατιμίες, εγκλήματα και γενοκτονίες αιώνων:

http://www.aramnahrin.org/English/Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Iraq.htm

http://www.aramnahrin.org/English/Insults_Assyrian_Terrorists_27_6_2007.htm

Αλεξάνδρεια 2006 με την Ευρωπαία Επίτροπο Benita Ferrero–Waldner και τον Αιγύπτιο υπουργό Εξωτερικών Άχμεντ Αμπού ‘λ Γέϊτ (Ahmed Aboul Gheit)

Και συμφωνούν μαζί του ότι τίποτα δεν βαραίνει την Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία, το Σαφεβιδικό / Κατζάρ Ιράν ή την σύγχρονη Τουρκία και ότι για όλα τα εγκλήματα στην ευρύτερη περιοχή οι μόνοι ένοχοι είναι η Γαλλία, η Αγγλία, κι η Αμερική. Αναδημοσιεύουν δε σωρεία άρθρων του στα αγγλικά και μεταφράζουν πολλά από αυτά στα ολλανδικά (επειδή υπάρχει μεγάλη συρο-λιβανο-ιρακο-ιρανο-τουρκική αραμαϊκή χριστιανική κονότητα στην Ολλανδία), και εδώ είναι κατάλογοι:

http://www.aramnaharaim.org/English/opinion_analyse.htm

http://www.aramnahrin.org/English/Issue_Iraq.htm

Αμπού Δάμπι 2012

Αναφορές θα δείτε και εδώ:

http://www.aramnaharaim.org/English/ (κεντρική κολώνα)

http://www.aramnahrin.org/English/index_en.htm (κάτω δεξιά)

Μογκαντίσου 2013 – στα δεξιά, μαζί με συναδέλφους του Σομαλούς σε εκδήλωση του πανεπιστημίου στο οποίο εργαζόταν ως μόνος ευρωπαϊκής καταγωγής καθηγητής σε όλη την Σομαλία

(στα αριστερά)

Στους δρόμους του Μογκαντίσου 2013 – σε αυθόρμητη πολιτική εκδήλωση οπαδών του μόλις τότε απελθόντος προέδρου Σεΐχ Σερίφ Σεΐχ Άχμεντ τον οποίο ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης είχε συστηματικά υποστηρίξει από το 2007, όπως στα εξής άρθρα:

http://www.authorsden.com/visit/viewarticle.asp?id=58660

και

https://pemot5.blogspot.com/2011/05/geeska-africa-somalia-ogaden-oromia.html

Μογκαντίσου 2013 – με Σομαλούς φοιτητές του στην παραλία Λίντο

Σημειωτέον ότι ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης είχε υπερασπιστεί τον Πάπα Βενέδικτο ΙΣΤ’ ενάντια στις κατηγορίες που είχαν εκφράσει μουσουλμάνοι εναντίον του το 2006. Ενδεικτικά:

https://www.academia.edu/24775355/Benedictus_XVI_may_not_be_right_but_todays_Muslims_are_islamically_wrong_By_Prof._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

https://www.academia.edu/24778178/Lord_Carey_Benedictus_XVI_and_todays_decayed_Islam_-_Prof._Dr._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

https://www.academia.edu/24779064/What_Benedict_XVI_should_say_admonishing_Muslim_Ambassadors_-_by_Prof._Dr._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

https://www.academia.edu/24779960/Can_Benedict_XVI_bring_Peace_and_Concord_-_by_Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

Επίσης:

https://www.academia.edu/25317295/Benedict_XVI_between_Constantinople_and_Istanbul_by_Prof._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

https://www.academia.edu/25317609/Benedictus_XVI_between_Istanbul_and_Nova_Roma_-_by_Prof._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης: ένας Μουσουλμάνος που δίνει προτεραιότητα στην Ουακεφάνα, παραδοσιακή θρησκεία των Ορόμο, κι όχι στους Ορόμο Μουσουλμάνους

Επίσης, μια χαρακτηριστική προσέγγιση του κ. Μεγαλομμάτη σε κοινωνικά – πολιτιστικά θέματα και καταστάσεις των Ορόμο, ενός μεγάλου (45 εκ. πληθυσμός) και ιστορικού κουσιτικού αφρικανικού έθνους ακόμη υπόδουλου στην Αβησσυνία και την Κένυα, δείχνει πολλά.

Οι Ορόμο σήμερα έχουν ένα είδος τριχοτόμησης. Είναι το μόνο έθνος στον κόσμο που, παρά το όμαιμον και το ομόγλωσσον και το μεγάλο παρελθόν του, πιστεύει σε τρεις διαφορετικές θρησκείες: την Ουακεφάνα (παραδοσιακή, μονοθεϊστική θρησκεία των Ορόμο για την οποία έχει συγγράψει αρκετά ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης βρίσκοντας πολλά παράλληλα με αρχαία αιγυπτιακά μονοθεϊστικά δόγματα), το Ισλάμ, και τη Χριστιανωσύνη.

Αν μάλιστα προσέξουμε ότι και οι Χριστιανοί Ορόμο είναι διαιρεμένοι σε προτεστάντες και καθολικούς (που δέχθηκαν τα κηρύγματα δυτικών ιεραποστόλων), καθώς και σε μονοφυσίτες (στους οποίους επιβλήθηκε μια κοπτική αίρεση ως θρησκεία κατά την κατάληψη των Ορόμο βασιλείων από τους Αμ(χ)άρα κατά το δεύτερο μισό του 19ου αιώνα), καταλαβαίνουμε ότι η ‘τριχοτόμηση’ είναι στην ουσία θρησκευτική κατάτμηση.

Όμως και η Χριστιανωσύνη και το Ισλάμ μόνον πρόσφατα διαδόθηκαν ανάμεσα στους Ορόμο: τα τελευταία 150-170 χρόνια.

Όταν οι Αμ(χ)άρα κατκατητές προσπαθούσαν να επιβάλουν την κοπτική αίρεση που πιστεύουν, πολλοί Ορόμο, γνωρίζοντας το αντι-ισλαμικό μένος της αμ(χ)αρικής εξουσίας, από αντίδραση έγιναν μουσουλμάνοι καθώς γειτνίαζαν με τους Ογκαντένι Σομαλούς, παραδοσιακούς μουσουλμάνους για πάνω από μία χιλιετία.

Κάϊρο 2014 σε εκδήλωση Ορόμο προσφύγων, βασικός ομιλητής ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης περιγράφει το κουσιτικό – μεροϊτικό παρελθόν των Ορόμο και φοράει τη μπλούζα με τα σύμβολα του Oromo Liberation Front και τον χάρτη της Ανεξάρτητης Ορομία που θα αποσχισθεί από την Αβησσυνία παίρνοντας επίσης εκτάσεις της Κένυας.

Πάνω σε όλο αυτό το υπόστρωμα, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης (που έχει γράψει εκατοντάδες άρθρα για την Ιστορία, τον πολιτισμό και την ανεξαρτησία των Ορόμο τα οποία αναδημοσιεύουν πολλά Ορόμο πόρταλς, ακόμη και των  εξόριστων στην Ευρώπη Ορόμο κοινοβουλευτικών), αν και μουσουλμάνος, δίνει προβάδισμα στην Ουακεφάνα, θεωρώντας την ως πιο αυθεντική έκφραση της Ορομούμα (Ορομό-τητας) του μεγάλου έθνους. Ενδεικτικά:

Oromo Action Plan for the Liberation of Oromia and the Destruction of Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia)

http://www.oromoparliamentarians.org/English/News_Archive/Oromo%20Action%20Plan%20for%20the%20Liberation%20of%20Oromia.htm

(https://www.academia.edu/35060233/Oromo_Action_Plan_for_the_Liberation_of_Oromia_and_the_Destruction_of_Abyssinia_Fake_Ethiopia_-_2010)

For the Oromos, it´s Now or Never!

http://www.oromoparliamentarians.org/Dhaamsa_bara_haaraa/For%20the%20Oromos,%20it’s%20Now%20or%20Never.htm

(https://www.academia.edu/35056747/For_the_Oromos_it_s_Now_or_Never_2010_)

Kushitic Oromos’ Ancestry in Ethiopia (: Ancient Sudan) vs. Semitic Amharas’ & Tigrays’ (Abyssinians’) Ancestry in Yemen

http://www.oromoparliamentarians.org/English/Facts%20about%20Oromo/Muhammad%20Shamsaddin%20Megamlommatis.htm

(https://www.academia.edu/34046949/Kushitic_Oromos_Ancestry_in_Ethiopia_Ancient_Sudan_and_Semitic_Amharas_and_Tigrays_Abyssinians_Ancestry_in_Yemen)

THE TRUE ETHIOPIA IS SUDAN & THE OROMO NATION, NOT ABYSSINIA

http://www.oromoparliamentarians.org/English/Facts%20about%20Oromo/Oromo-%20Kush.htm

(https://ar-ar.facebook.com/pg/Gadaa-Getachew-Jigi-1658210391147316/posts/?ref=page_internal

και

https://www.academia.edu/34046949/Kushitic_Oromos_Ancestry_in_Ethiopia_Ancient_Sudan_and_Semitic_Amharas_and_Tigrays_Abyssinians_Ancestry_in_Yemen)

Επίσης:

https://www.academia.edu/35057013/The_Astral_Voyage_to_Sublime_Finfinne

Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης: ένας Μουσουλμάνος ικανός για θρησκευτική και ιστορική αυτοκριτική

Αν τα παραπάνω δεν είναι αρκετά, θα πρέπει να προσθέσω και τα υπόλοιπα. Σε μία ερώτησή μου αν το κοράνι είναι το τελικό βιβλίο της Θείας Αποκάλυψης, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης μου απάντησε αυτόματα:

– Μα αυτό δεν το δεχόταν ούτε ο Γαζάλι, ο οποίος αν και πολέμησε την Μουτάζιλα, απέτυχε να αποδείξει ότι το Κοράνιο είναι αδημιούργητο και σύναρχο με τον Θεό. Οπότε, κατέληξε ότι στο Πλήρωμα του Χρόνου θα υπάρχει μια πιο ολοκληρωμένη, μία πληρέστερη αποκάλυψη του Θείου.

Κάϊρο 2016

Έτσι, προχωρώντας σε μουταζιλικές θέσεις, ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης συνέχισε παραβάλλοντας την αναμενόμενη από αρκετούς μουσουλμάνους φιλοσόφους έσχατη αποκάλυψη κατά το Πλήρωμα του Χρόνου με την αναφορά του Ιησού στο Πλήρωμα του Χρόνου, κατά το οποίο – μόνον – καὶ κηρυχθήσεται τοῦτο τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τῆς βασιλείας ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ οἰκουμένῃ εἰς μαρτύριον πᾶσι τοῖς ἔθνεσι, καὶ τότε ἥξει τὸ τέλος (κατά Ματθαίον, ΚΔ’ 14).

Αυτή η πρόταση του Ιησού, εμφανώς τοποθετημένη μέσα σε πλαίσια αναφορών στο Πλήρωμα του Χρόνου, δείχνει ότι δεν κηρύχθηκαν από την επίσημη χριστιανική εκκλησία όλα όσα εκείνος έλεγε και ότι αυτά θα κηρυχθούν για πρώτη φορά τότε, φέρνοντας μάλιστα το τέλος.

Την Έσχατη Αποκάλυψη, την οποία περιμένουν μετά το Κοράνιο, στο Πλήρωμα του Χρόνου, ορισμένοι μουσουλμάνοι φιλόσοφοι των χρόνων της ακμής του Ισλάμ, και στην οποία αναφέρθηκε ο Ιησούς, ταυτίζει ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης με την αναφορά στο δέκατο κεφάλαιο της Αποκάλυψης σε ένα ‘βιβλιδάριο’: “Καὶ ἡ φωνὴ ἣν ἤκουσα ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, πάλιν λαλοῦσα μετ᾿ ἐμοῦ καὶ λέγουσα· ὕπαγε λάβε τὸ βιβλιδάριον τὸ ἀνεῳγμένον ἐν τῇ χειρὶ τοῦ ἀγγέλου τοῦ ἑστῶτος ἐπὶ τῆς θαλάσσης καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. καὶ ἀπῆλθα πρὸς τὸν ἄγγελον, λέγων αὐτῷ δοῦναί μοι τὸ βιβλιδάριον. καὶ λέγει μοι· λάβε καὶ κατάφαγε αὐτό, καὶ πικρανεῖ σου τὴν κοιλίαν, ἀλλ᾿ ἐν τῷ στόματί σου ἔσται γλυκὺ ὡς μέλι. καὶ ἔλαβον τὸ βιβλίον ἐκ τῆς χειρὸς τοῦ ἀγγέλου καὶ κατέφαγον αὐτό, καὶ ἦν ἐν τῷ στόματί μου ὡς μέλι γλυκύ· καὶ ὅτε ἔφαγον αὐτό, ἐπικράνθη ἡ κοιλία μου”. (Αποκάλυψη, Ι’ 8-10)

Η μουσουλμανική ταυτότητα του κ.Μεγαλομμάτη είναι λοιπόν σε έντονη αντιπαράθεση με τις πολιτικο-κοινωνικές εκφάνσεις του σημερινού “Ισλάμ των μεγαλουπόλεων”, όπως το αποκαλεί (αναφερόμενος είτε σε ουαχαμπιστές / ‘σαλαφιστές’, είτε στο ‘πολιτικό Ισλάμ’ / Αδελφούς Μουσουλμάνους).

Κι επισύρει έντονη αυτοκριτική η οποία προξενεί διπλή αντίδραση: οι μεν παραδοσιακοί μουσουλμάνοι που ζουν μακριά από αστικά κέντρα και μεγαλουπόλεις, εκείνοι που δεν καταδέχονται να ασχοληθούν με την πολιτική και την ευτέλειά τη, εκείνοι που περνούν τη ζωή τους χωρίς σύγχρονη τεχνολογία και χωρίς εκδυτικισμό στην καθημερινότητά τους, τον αποδέχονται σχεδόν αυτόματα. Αντίθετα, μουσουλμάνοι που ζουν σε μεγαλουπόλεις συχνά εκφράζουν πρωτοφανή οργή εναντίον του και η έχθρα τους θυμίζει λύσσα.

Η διεισδυτική ματιά του κ. Μεγαλομμάτη στις ιστορικές πηγές τον βοήθησε να βγει έξω από το δυτικό αποικιοκρατικό ψέμμα αναφορικά με την πρώϊμη διάδοση του Ισλάμ. Αυτό το ψέμμα δημιουργεί τους πόλους μιας τεχνητής σύγκρουσης παγκοσμίων διαστάσεων: τους αμόρφωτους αντι-μουσουλμάνους δυτικούς μοντερνιστές και τους αγράμματους αντι-δυτικούς ψευτο-μουσουλμάνους και ψευτο-μοντερνιστές, δηλαδή δύο τεράστια σύνολα που έχουν και τα δύο απόλυτα απωλέσει την ταυτότητά τους και δει τον ‘άλλο’ μέσα από παραμορφωτικούς φακούς. Προσέξτε αυτά:

https://www.academia.edu/25491609/The_Aramaeans_rise_will_transfigure_the_Middle_Eastern_Chessboard_2005_-_by_Prof._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

https://www.academia.edu/25552905/Islam_the_Cultural_Aramaization_of_the_Arabs_-_by_Prof._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

https://www.academia.edu/25553198/Aramaeans_vs.Arabs_The_fight_between_Civilization_and_Barbarism_within_Islam-_by_Prof._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

https://www.academia.edu/35195555/Modern_Arabic_the_Anglo-French_Tool_of_Islamic_Terrorism_Promotion_2006_

https://www.academia.edu/23699776/Pan-Arabism_the_inhuman_progenitor_of_Islamic_Terrorism_by_Prof._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

https://www.academia.edu/25606449/Syria_A_Non-Arabic_Aramaean_Country_Ruled_by_the_Pan-Arabist_Puppets_of_Zionism_and_Freemasonry

https://www.academia.edu/24440473/Syria_Assad_US_Turkey_and_the_Concealed_Reality_the_Aramaean_Identity_of_Syria_-_By_Prof._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

Και κυρίως:

https://www.academia.edu/24440061/Arab_Nation_Hoax_Geared_to_Falsify_Islamic_History_Ruin_Varied_Nations_disfiguratively_Named_Arab_-_by_Prof._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

Κυττάξτε λοιπόν πως ο μουσουλμάνος κ. Μεγαλομμάτης ολότελα απορρίπτει την σημερινή πολιτικοποίηση και χρήση του χετζάμπ/νικάμπ ως ποταπή υποκρισία:

https://www.academia.edu/34460297/About_the_Islamic_Veil_and_the_related_False_Dilemma_and_World_Deception

Γυμνόστηθες, αναφέρει και αποδεικνύει, κυκλοφορούσαν οι μουσουλμάνες σε θερμά κλίματα πριν από 200 χρόνια και δεν υπήρχαν ούτε βιασμοί, ούτε πανσεξισμός, ούτε πορνεία!

Και στα ελληνικά σε δημοσιευμένη απάντηση σε Κερκυραίο παλιό αναγνώστη του στο Τρίτο Μάτι που συμπτωματικά συνάντησα εγώ στο ΥΤ κι έφερα σ’ επαφή με τον κ. Μεγαλομμάτη: https://www.academia.edu/34450027/ΗσημερινήκατάστασητουΙσλάμκαισεποιουςοφείλεται

Το πιο τρομερό είναι το πως κατακρίνει τους περισσότερους μουσουλμάνους για την καθημερινότητα και την ψεύτικη, επίπλαστη λατρεία τους ως υποκριτές και ως στερούμενους κάθε πνευματικότητας υλιστές. Ψεύτικο το Ραμαζάνι και αισχρά τα απερίγραπτα τσιμπούσια μετά το ηλιοβασίλεμα, τονίζει ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης.

Δεν γινόταν έτσι πριν από 1000 χρόνια το Ραμαζάνι. Δούλευαν κανονικά και νήστευαν. Σήμερα, δεν πάνε στη δουλειά τους και κοιμούνται ολημερίς για να ξυπνήσουν και να φάνε! Κι αυτή τη βρωμιά την αποκαλούν Ραμαζάνι και Ισλάμ.

Ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης πρώτα τους εγκαλεί να καταργήσουν το ψευτο-Ραμαζάνι τους και στη συνέχεια καταγγέλλει τους τυραννικούς ψευτο-μουσουλμάνους σεΐχηδες που θέλουν να σκαρτέψουν και να εκσατανίσουν όλους τους μουσουλμάνους υποχρεώνοντάς τους να υποκρίνονται και να ενεργούν έτσι όπως δεν επιθυμούν. Σε δυο συνέχειες:

https://www.academia.edu/25906093/Abolish_your_fake_Ramadhan_stupid_-_by_Prof._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

και https://www.academia.edu/26051016/Tyrannical_Ramadhan_as_part_of_Islamic_Terrorism_-_by_Prof._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

Ασουάν 2018

Όσο για την ισλαμική τρομοκρατία, διαβάστε την εκπληκτική τετραλογία για την τρομοκρατική επίθεση στις Βρυξέλλες (2016) όπου κάνει λόγο για ισλαμιστές τρομοκράτες στην Σταμπούλ του 1580! Κάτι που όλες οι αποικιοκρατικές χώρες, Γαλλία, Αγγλία κι Αμερική, γνωρίζουν πολύ καλά αλλά προσπαθούν να αποκρύψουν από τον μέσο άνθρωπο ανά τον κόσμο επειδή η γνώση της αλήθειας αυτής καταστρέφει τα απειλητικά κατά της ανθρωπότητας σχέδιά τους:

https://www.academia.edu/23602094/Brussels_Terror_Attack_Due_to_Western_Misperceptions_Part_I._By_Prof._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis

https://www.academia.edu/23641124/Brussels_Terror_Attack_Due_to_Western_Ignorance_of_Evil_Theological_Systems_-_Part_II

https://www.academia.edu/23685704/Brussels_Terror_Attack_Due_to_Western_Ignorance_of_the_Barbaric_Darkness_of_Ibn_Taimiyas_theological_system_-_Part_III

https://www.academia.edu/23706216/Brussels_Terror_Attack_Due_to_Western_Ignorance_of_the_Turning_Point_of_Islam_from_Civilization_to_Barbarism_Part_IV

“Δεν υπάρχει καταναγκασμός στην θρησκεία” είναι το ύπατο αξίωμα του Ισλάμ, ορίζει ο κ. Μεγαλομμάτης.

Κλείνοντας την εκτενή απάντηση θα πρότεινα να ρίξετε μια ματιά σε μια παλαιότερη αναφορά μου στον κ. Μεγαλομμάτη:

Ποιος είναι ο καθ. Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης;

https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2017/04/05/ποιος-είναι-ο-καθ-μουχάμαντ-σαμσαντίν/

(και πλέον: https://www.academia.edu/34415843/ΠοιοςείναιοκαθΜουχάμαντΣαμσαντίνΜεγαλομμάτης_)

Και για να κατανοήσετε τις υπερβατικές έρευνες, ασκήσεις και δραστηριότητες, στις οποίες μας έχει δείξει τον δρόμο, θα πρέπει ασφαλώς να προσέξετε αυτόν τον πίνακα κεφαλαίων και οδηγό υπερβατικών αναζητήσεων:

https://www.academia.edu/34399625/ΘεματολογίαΨυχικώνΕπιστημών_-_Seminars_in_Spiritual_Exercises_Handouts_in_Greek

Για ο,τιδήποτε περισσότερο, μπορείτε να επικοινωνήσετε με τον κ. Μεγαλομμάτη εδώ: megalommatis@inbox.ru & mshamsaddin@inbox.ru

Έχετε υπόψει όμως ότι από μεθαύριο θα βρίσκεται στο Σουδάν και σε πολύ απόμακρες κι υπανάπτυκτες επαρχίες, οπότε η επικοινωνία θα καθυστερεί διότι οι περιοχές εκείνες είναι εκτός δικτύων τηλεπικοινωνιών και χωρίς ηλεκτρισμό.

فواد و امیر می نویسند: این عکس را اول تقدیم میکنیم به‌ مادرانمان و بعدا به‌ تمام زنان سرزمینمان کوردستان. پوشیدن لباس زنانه‌ی کوردی نه‌ تنها تحقیر نیست بلکه‌ یک افتخار بزگ است برای ما. از دیرباز زنان سرزمینمان پا به‌ پای مردان در همه‌ی جایگاه جامعه‌ حضور داشته‌اند، در آن زمانی که‌ به‌ خاطر زن بودن آنهارا زنده‌ به‌ گور میکردند، زنان ملتمان کوردستان در جنگها فرمانده‌ و در جامعه‌ از ارزش والایی برخوردار بودند، هیچ کس و هیچ دولت و قانونی نمیتواند به‌ زنان ما بی احترامی کند .

“Being a woman is not a means to humiliate and punish anyone”

After a policeman in the Iranian Kurdish town of Marivan paraded an accused criminal in traditional Kurdish women’s clothes in the streets in order to humiliate him, women marched in the city condemning the use of women’s attire as a kind of humiliation.

In support, an internet campaign of Kurdish and other Iranian men has sprung up showing men wearing Kurdish women’s clothes and messages and support. For example, this message says,”wearing Kurdish women’s clothes is not only not an insult, it is instead a great honor for us,” and goes on to describe how women stand side by side with men in every part of society and during wartime.

Support the campaign by liking the page! زن بودن ابزار تحقیر و تنبیه هیچ کس نیست

(via Ajam Media Collective)

Laleh Seddigh (born 1977), is an Iranian female race car driver. Racing both on circuits and in rallies, she is recognized as the best female racer in the country. Seddigh had to get special permission from a local ayatollah in order to compete against men. A PhD student from Tehran, she has been nicknamed "a little Schumacher" after the German Formula One champion.

"Resistance from men does not bother me. Once I get on the track I like to use my technical skills, take control and dominate the other drivers."

Help us by spreading information

People & countries mentioned in the thread:

DR Congo - M23, Cobalt

Darfur, Sudan - International Criminal Court, CNN, BBC (Overview); Twitter Explanation on Sudan

Tigray - Human Rights Watch (Ethnic Cleansing Report)

the Sámi people - IWGIA, Euronews

Hawai'i - IWGIA

Syria - Amnesty International

Kashmir- Amnesty Summary (PDF), Wikipedia (Jammu and Kashmir), Human Rights Watch (2022)

Iran - Human Rights Watch, Morality Police (Mahsa/Jina Amini - Al Jazeera, Wikipedia)

Uyghurs - Uyghur Human Rights Project (UHRP) Q&A, Wikipedia, Al Jazeera, UN Report

Tibetans - SaveTibet.org, United Nations

Yazidi people - Wikipedia, United Nations

West Papua - Free West Papua, Genocide Watch

Yemen - Human Rights Watch (Saudi border guards kill migrants), Carrd

Sri Lanka (Tamils) - Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch

Afghans in Pakistan - Al Jazeera, NPR

Ongoing Edits: more from the notes / me

Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh/Azerbaijan (Artsakh) - Global Conflict Tracker ("Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict"), Council on Foreign Relations, Human Rights Watch (Azerbaijan overview), Armenian Food Bank

Baháʼís in Iran - Bahá'í International Community, Amnesty, Wikipedia, Minority Rights Group International

Kafala System in the Middle East - Council on Foreign Relations, Migrant Rights

Rohingya - Human Rights Watch, UNHCR, Al Jazeera, UNICEF

Montagnards (Vietnam Highlands) - World Without Genocide, Montagnard Human Rights Organization (MHRO), VOA News

Ukraine - Human Rights Watch (April 2022), Support Ukraine Now (SUN), Ukraine Website, Schools & Education (HRW), Dnieper River advancement (Nov. 15, 2023 - Ap News)

Reblogs with Links / From Others

Indigenous Ppl of Canada, Cambodia, Mexico, Colombia

Libya

Armenia Reblog 1, Armenia Reblog 2

Armenia, Ukraine, Central African Republic, Indigenous Americans, Black ppl (US)

Rohingya (Myanmar)

More Hawai'i Links from @sageisnazty - Ka Lahui Hawaii, Nation of Hawai'i on Soverignty, Rejected Apology Resolution

From @rodeodeparis: Assyrian Policy Institute, Free Yezidi

From @is-this-a-cool-url: North American Manipur Tribal Association (NAMTA)

From @dougielombax & compiled by @azhdakha: Assyrians & Yazidis

West Sahara conflict

Last Updated: Feb. 19th, 2024 (If I missed smth before this, feel free to @ me to add it)

The Perfect fan cast for Alastair Carstairs

It was extremely difficult to find ethnic Persian men that had blond hair but not coloured eyes and pale skin. After searching for a few minutes I believe I found the perfect fan cast for Alastair.

Meet Hamid Fadaei

(Alastair's real hair is dark brown and he has beady eyes).

Цена за два баклажана стала приемлемой, можно готовить Эш-Э Бадемджан (Густой Суп из Баклажан, Персидская Кухня):

Замочить стакан Нута на ночь (8-12 часов)

Промыть нут.

Проварить нут целый час в наполненной на половину водой миске 4,7 литра.

Теперь мы будем класть в миску с варёным нутом остальные компоненты, а для этого их надо сначала подготовить:

Обжарить лук с чесноком до золотистого цвета, добавить чайную ложку куркумы и 1⁄4 острого красного перца, через пару минут переложить это в миску с варёным нутом.

Обжарить 2 баклажана порезанных полукольцами, в масле до мягкости и переложить в миску с варёным нутом.

Промыть 1 стакан красной чечевицы и добавить в миску с варёным нутом.

Теперь доливаем её водой по заполнению, и добавляем столовую ложку соли, как закипит снять пену и уменьшив нагрев варить 30 минут.

В тарелку добавить кашк и чайную ложку сушёной мяты — замена кашк смешать сметану со столовым уксусом 9%, ну или можно тупо майонез с лимонным соком.

Главное использовать именно Красную чечевицу, иначе будет не вкусно.

(КАКАЯ ВКУСНЯТИНА ! Описать невозможно, надо пробовать !)

Иранский Суп "Адаси" мой любимый суп ! (Пережарить лук с чесноком до золотистого цвета, добавить чайную ложку куркумы молотой, 1⁄4 чайной ложки острого перца красного, картофель (4-6 картофелин), зелёную чечевицу (1стакан, промытой), воды по заполнению кастрюли 4,7 литра, столовую ложку соли, как закипит снять пену, уменьшить нагрев, и варить 30 минут. Особенно вкусен если добавить в вар свежей красной паприки ! (Перец Болгарский Сладкий). Сушёная Кинза или Сельдерей в тарелку такого супа идеально с майонезом с лимонным соком.

Свежие Иранские финики Ramiz + чашка чёрного чая Dilmah, это ли не блаженное утро.

Р Е Ц Е П Т П Е Р С И Д С К О Й К У Р Ы С Ш А Ф РА Н О М

Начните с обжаривания солёной курицы с чайной ложкой цветущего шафрана или куркумы.

Как только куриные ножки полностью усеяны с обеих сторон и превратились в великолепный золотистый цвет, переложите их на тарелку и выбросьте лишний жир, который был вынесен из кожи.

Нагрейте немного оливкового масла в той же кастрюле и пассеруйте лук репчатый белый и свежий зелёный сладкий перец (паприка,Болгарский перец).

Добавить специи — чёрный перец молотый (ч.л.) и корица молотая (ч.л.) и обжаренные куриные ножи.

Добавить воду и ч.л. соли и варить около 40 минут

Этот традиционный иранский рецепт довольно прост в приготовлении, а ароматы уникальны и ярки.

* Я ел с жареной картошкой, было ах***но вкусно, говорят можно к рису.

САЛАТ ШИРАЗИ (ПЕРСИДСКИЙ САЛАТ ИЗ ОГУРЦОВ И ПОМИДОРОВ)

▢3 персидских или английских огурца ▢1⁄2 красной луковицы ▢2 помидора ▢4 столовые ложки лимонного сока ▢1 столовая ложка сушеной мяты ▢1⁄2 чайной ложки соли ▢1⁄2 чайной ложки черного перца

инструкции Нарежьте огурцы, лук и помидоры очень мелкими кусочками. Смешайте их в миске и сбрызните лимонным соком.

Добавьте сушеную мяту, соль и перец. Перемешайте, чтобы соединить салат с заправкой. Охладите в холодильнике от 30 минут до 1 часа, а затем подавайте к столу.

При желании вы можете добавить в заправку пару столовых ложек оливкового масла.

*традиционно в рецепте используется верджус (сок незрелого винограда).

===============

С лимонным соком реально вкуснее, и с петрушкой вместо мяты тоже круто.

Можно на хлеб, можно завернуть в лаваш с брынзой.

Цена за два баклажана стала приемлемой, можно готовить Эш-Э Бадемджан (Густой Суп из Баклажан, Персидская Кухня):

Замочить стакан Нута на ночь (8-12 часов)

Промыть нут.

Проварить нут целый час в наполненной на половину водой миске 4,7 литра.

Теперь мы будем класть в миску с варёным нутом остальные компоненты, а для этого их надо сначала подготовить:

Обжарить лук с чесноком до золотистого цвета, добавить чайную ложку куркумы и 1⁄4 острого красного перца, через пару минут переложить это в миску с варёным нутом.

Обжарить 2 баклажана порезанных полукольцами, в масле до мягкости и переложить в миску с варёным нутом.

Промыть 1 стакан красной чечевицы и добавить в миску с варёным нутом.

Теперь доливаем её водой по заполнению, и добавляем столовую ложку соли, как закипит снять пену и уменьшив нагрев варить 30 минут.

В тарелку добавить кашк и чайную ложку сушёной мяты — замена кашк смешать сметану со столовым уксусом 9%, ну или можно тупо майонез с лимонным соком.

Главное использовать именно Красную чечевицу, иначе будет не вкусно.

(КАКАЯ ВКУСНЯТИНА ! Описать невозможно, надо пробовать !)

House of Light, Iran

Amin Moazzen Architect

What have women done ?

Nicholas Fuentes just reminded us all that women are nothing for men.

Your body my choice. I don’t get it. I simply don’t.

What have we done ? What have we done to get century’s of oppression, repression ? What have we done to get raped ? What have we done to get looked down ? What have we done ?

The thing I believe is, if men never needed women we would simply have been exterminated by now. Because how would you explain the oppression, and everything else we endured for centuries?

Nicholas Fuentes mother’s must be so disappointed. Every rapists, pedophile etc mothers must be so disappointed. It’s not your fault unless you taught him those stuff.

Abortion is my right. I’m not ready I get rid of the cell. I don’t have the money I get rid of it. It’s my rapists baby, I’ll have no remorse. You can kill a cell up to 3 months, otherwise the baby gain consciousness. So instead of forbidding it, make a deadline.

Oh and if you ban abortion then the father cannot leave under any circumstances. It’s his baby too and he put his semen into me I didn’t specifically ask for it. If it’s a rapist’s baby then I have the right to give it up for adoption. I didn’t ask for that baby nor do I want to remember for the rest of my life that I got raped. But if I got raped and have his baby you need to either leave it up to him with obligation or put him in jail. So don’t surprise when so much babies are gonna be found abandoned.

All the things that happens to innocent women all over the world just because they are women is the most vile thing in the existence.

Look, in Afghanistan a new law passed. Women cannot talk between themselves. Women lost their voices. Literally. They have to fully cover themselves EVEN the eyes! Yes normally you can show your eyes well they can’t. Why women ? We haven’t done nothing. We haven’t killed no one.

In Japan the sexual assault is so big than the worst tortured in the human existence happened to a girl getting tortured, raped, sexually assaulted and cruelly abused. She just said no. She said no to go out with a guy. You can say no. Every woman would say no if they don’t know you or just don’t want to. You can reject girls but we can’t ? We can’t because we might get tortured and killed ? A woman had sex with a man and when it comes to preliminary, the guy tortured her: he shoved his hand so far he reached her organs and pulled them out of her body. She was still alive. Do you imagine just the slightest bit of terror and absolute pain she must have been in ? Why did he do that? Well she was a woman. A girl got gang raped in India. Why ? She was a little girl. A man raped his daughter more than 200 times got almost no sentences and kept the guard. Why ? She was a girl.

Girls are forced to marry when they have their period, the youngest being 9 in 2024. 9. Let girls be girls. They don’t have to get married to an old sick man. They don’t want to get pregnant, they don’t want to carry babies, they don’t want to have sex, they don’t want to be tied for eternity.

They want to grow up at their pace, they want to experience childhood and believes in unicorns.

Men are not dogs. Because dogs would never do that to you. Men are men. Men are vile, men are repulsive men scared me.

I’m scared of everything. I’m scared when I go to my school, I’m scared when I take the bus I’m scared when I refuse someone on instagram or Snapchat I’m scared when I’m out I’m scared of having a boyfriend I’m scared of having my first time I’m scared of saying no to a man I’m scared of getting assaulted and I’m utterly scared of getting raped. Because I’ll rather die.

My women are scared to. My sisters are scared of you. But my sisters are ready to fight to.

Iranian women are doing it. Keep it up girls, you deserve respect, recognition and rights to.

In Afghanistan, nobody is doing anything. Why ? Because they are women. Let’s be honest, if roles were reversed and it was done to men, many presidents would have done something. I’m scared for them.

In Somalia,(And many other countries still) families practice what’s called Female genital Mutilation (for boys it’s circumscribed ) on little girls. More than 200 million women in the world are victims of those tortures. What’s so different ? Why is it not called mutilated for boys ? It’s simple do the maths. We have holes, Which apparently throughout the humans history was enough to make us lesser bumans.

You can’t retire anything on a man penis except for the skin at the end to prevent them from masturbating.

Well for a woman, you can. But it’s recognized internationally as inhuman and a violation of women rights and health as well as entraining so much complications that a lot of young girls die. It’s usually do with a razor blade that is not sanitary and the women aren’t put in sleep. They cut the clitoris. They retire it. Or they cut the interior lips as well and retire them. Oh and the exterior lips are cut. And then they sew. They sew the holes. If you wanna know what it is google is here.

This is the most intense pain a woman can experience. The genitals parts on both women and men are the most sensitive and endangering parts if someone is of bad intentions.

https://youtu.be/kFpOHYQlz24?si=7i5eKJdbRFdShEkL

Here is a strong woman sharing her story about her experience.

Let’s get back to something softer. Beauty standards.

I don’t know about you reading this but I don’t seem to know of any particular men beauty standards. They don’t have to comform to a certain nose (most of the time) or certain eye shapes and lips.

I guess they are but men are good to create insecurities and unrealistic beauty standards for women. Furthermore there is the whole hourglass body stuff and petite women.

First I think petite women especially used by men is a way of infantilizing a woman to make her look innocent etc and unless you have a fast metabolism or surgery most of the women don’t have a hourglass body. I have a slow metabolism and sports does not work for me. Yet I’m a mid size girl with a fat tummy. I can’t wear crop tops nor any clothes I like because y’all decided I had to look a certain way for that. I have broad shoulder and wide rib cage so im not considered feminine enough. Well fuck you. I’m a woman that’s enough. Some girls are bigger than me and are confident and I envy you and support you so bad. Some girls are thinner than the norm and yet are such pure souls. Some girls are curvy and hate their bodies so bad. And some girls have the perfect body yet would like some more skin. We can never be happy with our body that is the same for everyone. Yet we accept men as they are most of the time. We normalized having a dad body yet when it comes to a woman you can’t have tummy. If you have a dad body that’s okay girl don’t mind but if you have a mom body because guess what you just had a baby . or multiple and have an injury the size of a rounded pillow inside of you you are ugly. You need to get thin you need to have big boobs no stretch marks ! You can’t look like you had a kid because that’s not attractive. Bullshit. You can’t expect a woman to lose weight after having a baby.

Oh and for fucks sake women you don’t have to reserved yourself from a burger. You want to eat it ? Eat it. We don’t care about what men think they eat 3x times the burger!

Plus The mere idea of having a type is just stupid. and if women said they want a certain type that are not the men watching the vids you can expect them to say something like: well we don’t want fat women/ we don’t want full face etc. Like shut up she’s not gonna date you nor are you even gonna meet her in real lifeYou fall in love with personality. And no looks does not matter despite what everybody is trying to say because personality makes you 10x prettier than you are. If you have a shit personality people will avoid you like the plague but if you are nice kind smart etc they tend to find you attractive and prettier than what you already are.

That was a rant about everything I had in mind and probably have A lot of misspelling and mistakes. But I just watch Nicholas Fuentes that little bitch and I hope he gets so injured he’ll get alzeihmer so that someone can re-educate him because he doesn’t seem to respect his mother and every women in his life.

Remember it’s not all men but it’s always a man.

Edit lol

Just saw multiple posts about the new laws that were proposed in Iraq and guess what ? Yes women and little girls are targeted also. I have some posts include bed if y’all are interested

Translation Iraq's justice minister has proposed a controversial law: lowering the age of consent to 9, legalizing marital rape, automatic custody of children for the father, the possibility of divorce from the age of 9 and women will be deprived of inheritance. (The Guardian)

Conjunction: Moon, Jupiter and Saturn over Alborz mountain, Iran

Image Credit: Alireza Vafa

Happy 'Iran Nuclear Deal Implementation Day' !

Happy ‘Iran Nuclear Deal Implementation Day’ !

The Day of Days has arrived.  Iranian foreign minister Javad Zarif announced that decades of sanctions will be lifted today once the IAEA issues its report confirming that Iran has upheld its responsibilities to dismantle parts of its nuclear program. It is believed that the amount of cash that will become available to Iran will be well north of $100 billion. Isn’t this exciting? Reuters: -Today…

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#Repost @unwto (@get_repost) ・・・ Already 4 out of 10 tourists choose their destination for its cultural offerings which can include intangible factors such as a place’s culture, history, traditions and atmosphere, or its association with famous people, ideas or events. Cultural tourism is one of the largest global tourism markets and is being boosted by cutting edge technology and multi-faceted innovation. In November, Hamedan, Iran🇮🇷 will be hosting The International Seminar on Harnessing Cultural Tourism through Innovation and Technology alongside the 40th UNWTO Affiliate Members Plenary Session. The seminar will feature three panels, exploring how big data, innovative business models, digital services and marketing, and other new technology can ensure long-term sustainability, profitability and competitiveness for cultural tourism products while preserving their authenticity. #unwto #culture #tourism #iran #hamedan #history #traditions #atmosphere #innovation #bigdata #seminar #international #global #business #digitalmarketing #tourism4sdgs #travelenjoyrespect https://www.instagram.com/p/Bov8B8pHvV4bPj014cNJOlFUz0Dak5rdP5aErE0/?utm_source=ig_tumblr_share&igshid=4d63r2walbnq

Airport, Tehran, Iran, Iranair, Cargo, ايران, هما by barbod mahmood on EyeEm

#irankor ايران ١ کره ٠ #iran #korea (at Azadi Sport Complex)

Tehran, Iran, اينها يک سري عکسهاي هست که در گوشي از قديم دارم at National Museum of Iran by barbod mahmood on EyeEm

Pixelated grayscale and red image of a woman, face obscured, holding up her scarf, the other hand, a fist by her side. Superimposed above her image, the words Woman! Life! Freedom!

Source: Twitter/ali_naseri

Pretending to care about serious social and political issues doesn’t make you cool neither does performative activism cause social issues aren’t things to just move on like a trend.

Credits : to the original owners of these posters and photography

Here’s the Latest Update of the Iranian Protests